United States Court of Appeals
For the First Circuit
No. 04-1621
ROBERT P. LARGESS, ELIZABETH A. POIRIER, JOHN A. LEPPER,
EDWARD G. CONNOLLY, CHRISTOPHER P. ASSELIN, STEVEN C.
PANAGIOTAKOS, PHILIP TRAVIS, JAMES R. MICELI, PETER J. LARKIN,
ROBERT S. HARGRAVES, EMILE J. GOGUEN, MARK J. CARRON,
Plaintiffs, Appellants,
v.
SUPREME JUDICIAL COURT FOR THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS; CHIEF
JUSTICE MARGARET MARSHALL, in the official capacity as Justice of
the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, JUSTICE ROBERT J.
CORDY, in the official capacity as Justice of the Supreme
Judicial Court of Massachusetts, JUSTICE JUDITH A. COWIN, in the
official capacity as Justice of the Supreme Judicial Court of
Massachusetts, JUSTICE JOHN M. GREANEY, in the official capacity
as Justice of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts,
JUSTICE RODERICK L. IRELAND, in the official capacity as Justice
of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, JUSTICE MARTHA B.
SOSMAN, in the official capacity as Justice of the Supreme
Judicial Court of Massachusetts, JUSTICE FRANCIS X. SPINA, in the
official capacity as Justice of the Supreme Judicial Court of
Massachusetts, MASSACHUSETTS DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC HEALTH;
CHRISTINE C. FERGUSON, in her official capacity as Commissioner
of the Massachusetts Department of Public Health; JUDITH A.
MCCARTHY, in her official capacity as City Registrar for the city
of Boston; CITY AND TOWN CLERKS 1-350; LINDA DAVIES; GLORIA
BAILEY; GINA SMITH; HEIDI NORTON; RICHARD LINNELL; GARY
CHALMNERS; ELLEN WADE; MAUREEN BRODOFF; EDWARD BALMELLI; MICHAEL
HORGAN; ROBERT CROMPTON; DAVID WILSON; JULIE GOODRIDGE; HILLARY
GOODRIDGE,
Defendants, Appellees.
APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS
[Hon. Joseph L. Tauro, U.S. District Judge]
Before
Boudin, Chief Judge,
Lynch, Circuit Judge,
and Howard, Circuit Judge.
Matthew D. Staver, with whom Erik W. Stanley, Anita L. Staver,
Joel L. Oster, Rena M. Lindevaldsen, Liberty Counsel, Robert J.
Muise, Thomas More Law Center, Stephen M. Crampton, Brian Fahling,
AFA Center for Law and Policy, Chester Darling, and Citizens for
the Preservation of Constitutional Rights, were on brief, for
appellants.
Merita A. Hopkins, Corporation Counsel, City of Boston, with
whom Gregory B. Franks, Assistant Corporation Counsel, was on
brief, for appellee Judith A. McCarthy.
Peter Sacks, Assistant Attorney General, with whom Thomas F.
Reilly, Attorney General of Massachusetts, was on brief, for
appellee Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts.
Mary L. Bonauto, with whom Bennett H. Klein, Michele M.
Granda, Karen L. Loewy, Gay & Lesbian Advocates & Defenders,
Kenneth J. Parsigian, Abigail K. Hemani, Goodwin Procter LLP, were
on brief, for appellees Hillary Goodridge and Julie Goodridge, et
al.
June 29, 2004
Per Curiam. Plaintiffs brought suit in United States
District Court against the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts
(the "SJC") and others, alleging that the remedy adopted in the
same-sex marriage decision, Goodridge v. Department of Public
Health, 798 N.E.2d 941 (Mass. 2003), violated their rights under
the Guarantee Clause of the federal Constitution. The SJC, in a
divided opinion, held in Goodridge that "barring an individual from
the protection, benefits, and obligations of civil marriage solely
because that person would marry a person of the same sex violates
the Massachusetts Constitution." 798 N.E.2d at 969. As a remedy,
the court ordered that the state of Massachusetts recognize the
marriage of same-sex couples within six months of the opinion's
issuance. Id. at 968-70. The SJC later held that it was an
insufficient remedy under the Massachusetts Constitution merely to
afford same-sex partners the same benefits as married couples
without also recognizing their marriage. See Opinions of the
Justices to the Senate, 802 N.E.2d 565, 569-72 (Mass. 2004).
The plaintiffs, a Massachusetts citizen named Robert
Largess and eleven members of the Massachusetts legislature acting
as individuals, sought to enjoin the May 17, 2004 implementation of
Goodridge and the issuance or recording of marriage licenses to
same-sex couples. Julie Goodridge and her new spouse Hillary
Goodridge, the named plaintiffs in the Goodridge case, along with
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several others, intervened in the federal action on the side of the
defendants.
The plaintiffs' federal suit asserted that the remedy1
that the SJC adopted in Goodridge redefined marriage in violation
of separation-of-powers principles in the Massachusetts
Constitution. Under the state constitution, according to the
plaintiffs, it is the prerogative of the state legislature, not the
courts, to define the term "marriage." The plaintiffs also
asserted that the Massachusetts Constitution itself defines the
term "marriage" according to its historical meaning as a union
between a man and a woman, and thus that Goodridge effected an
impermissible amendment of the state constitution that further
violated separation-of-powers principles. From the initial premise
that the state constitution was violated, the plaintiffs next
asserted that the remedy in Goodridge violated their rights under
the federal Guarantee Clause of the U.S. Constitution by depriving
them of a republican form of government.
In support of their first argument that the SJC usurped
the legislature's authority, the plaintiffs relied heavily on one
clause of the Massachusetts Constitution:
1
Plaintiffs assert that they are not challenging any holding
by the SJC that same-sex couples are entitled to marital benefits.
Rather, they say, the challenge is to the SJC's "usurping" the
legislature's prerogative to define the term "marriage" and to its
redefinition of that term in a way that is inconsistent with the
understanding held by the framers of the Massachusetts
Constitution.
-4-
All causes of marriage, divorce, and alimony, and all
appeals from the judges of probate shall be heard and
determined by the governor and council, until the
legislature shall, by law, make other provision.
Mass. Const. pt. 2, ch. III, art. V. The SJC had earlier rejected
that very argument as "based on the erroneous premise that
[Goodridge] constituted a 'cause[] of marriage, divorce, [or]
alimony' within the meaning of the Massachusetts Constitution."
Goodridge v. Dep't of Public Health, No. SJC-08860 (Mass. May 7,
2004) (order denying motion to intervene).
The plaintiffs, arguing state law illegality, also relied
on the SJC's holding in Opinion of the Justices, 85 N.E.2d 761
(1949), that the legislature would impermissibly amend the
Massachusetts Constitution were it to pass a bill providing that
"subways, tunnels, viaducts, elevated structures and rapid transit
extensions . . . are hereby declared to be public highways or
bridges within the meaning of" the Massachusetts Constitution. 85
N.E.2d at 762. Such a bill, held the SJC, would contravene the
principle that the state constitution's "words are to be given
their natural and obvious sense according to common and approved
usage at the time of their adoption." Id. at 763. Similarly, the
plaintiffs argued that by altering the historic meaning of the term
"marriage," which is contained in the Massachusetts Constitution,
the SJC in Goodridge itself amended the state constitution, a
process that normally must be initiated by voters of Massachusetts
-5-
and acted upon by the legislature, see Mass. Const. amend. art.
XLVIII.
The federal district court denied the plaintiffs'
requests for preliminary and permanent injunctive relief, a
declaratory judgment, and a temporary restraining order.2 Largess
v. Goodridge, No. 04-10921-JLT, 2004 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 8461, at *18
(D. Mass. May 13, 2004). The court concluded that the SJC did,
under the Massachusetts Constitution, have the power to redefine
marriage and that, in doing so, the SJC did not perform a
legislative act. See id. at *13-*18. The plaintiffs appealed the
denial of preliminary and permanent injunctive relief and the
denial of a declaratory judgment, and requested an injunction
pending appeal.
By order dated May 14, 2004, this court denied the
requested injunction pending appeal on the ground that the
plaintiffs' "showing so far made as to likelihood of success [on
2
To obtain preliminary injunctive relief, plaintiffs had the
burden of showing (1) a likelihood of success on the merits; (2)
that they would suffer irreparable injury if injunctive relief were
not issued; (3) that such injury outweighs any harm that would stem
from granting injunctive relief; and (4) that the public interest
weighs in their favor. See R.I. Dep't of Envtl. Mgmt. v. United
States, 304 F.3d 31, 45 (1st Cir. 2002). The standard is virtually
identical for permanent injunctive relief, except that "the movant
must show actual success on the merits of the claim, rather than a
mere likelihood of such success." K-Mart Corp. v. Oriental Plaza,
Inc., 875 F.2d 907, 914-15 (1st Cir. 1989). The decision whether
to grant relief is based on a balancing of the different factors,
with likelihood of success playing a pivotal role. See Ross-Simons
of Warwick, Inc. v. Baccarat, Inc., 102 F.3d 12, 16 (1st Cir.
1996).
-6-
the claimed deprivation of a republican form of government] is not
sufficient to justify interim relief." In doing so, we noted
various potential barriers to plaintiffs' claims, including the
doctrine that the decisions of a state's highest court on issues of
state law, including state constitutional law, are generally
treated as authoritative by federal courts. See Johnson v.
Fankell, 520 U.S. 911, 916 (1997); Schad v. Arizona, 501 U.S. 624,
636 (1991); Murdock v. City of Memphis, 87 U.S. (20 Wall.) 590
(1875). We expedited the appeal, and oral argument was held on
June 7, 2004.
On May 17, 2004, after the plaintiffs had filed their
appeal but before oral arguments were heard, Massachusetts
implemented Goodridge's requirement that same-sex marriage be
recognized. Since then, Massachusetts has issued marriage licenses
to same-sex couples and has recorded same-sex marriages. Thus, the
plaintiffs' desired injunction would now have the effect of
stopping this practice after, rather than before, it had begun.3
I.
The state defendants and the defendant-intervenors raise
3
For this reason, there is no merit to the argument of
defendant-intervenors (which was not joined by the state
defendants) that this appeal is moot because May 17 has come and
passed. Injunctive relief could now issue to stop future
marriages, so a live controversy is still present and the case is
not moot.
-7-
a series of preliminary objections, some of which involve
interesting and difficult issues.4
First, the defendants argue that the plaintiffs lack
standing because, at most, they share an undifferentiated harm with
other voters. Allen v. Wright, 468 U.S. 737, 754 (1984);
Schlesinger v. Reservists Comm. to Stop the War, 418 U.S. 208, 220-
21 (1974). But the circumstances of this case present a rare
instance in which the standing issue is intertwined and inseparable
from the merits of the underlying claim. If the plaintiffs are
correct that the Guarantee Clause extends rights to individuals in
at least some circumstances,5 then the usual standing inquiry --
which distinguishes between concrete injuries and injuries that are
merely abstract and undifferentiated -- might well be adjusted to
the nature of the claimed injury. Cf. Flast v. Cohen, 392 U.S.
83, 105-06 (1968) (in certain circumstances, federal taxpayers have
4
One preliminary objection of the defendants is based on
asserted Eleventh Amendment immunity. We have no need to address
this issue. See Parella v. Ret. Bd. of R.I. Employees' Ret. Sys.,
173 F.3d 46, 56-57 (1st Cir. 1999) (need not reach Eleventh
Amendment issue if other grounds for decision in favor of party
asserting immunity are available).
5
It is of note for purposes of the standing inquiry that the
Guarantee Clause makes the guarantee of a republican form of
government to the states; the bare language of the Clause does not
directly confer any rights on individuals vis-á-vis the states.
Whether, in the sorts of extreme cases discussed below, voters or
other individuals could enforce the Clause is an issue we need not
decide.
-8-
standing to raise Establishment Clause claims against congressional
acts).
A second preliminary objection made by the defendants is
that Guarantee Clause claims are always non-justiciable under the
political question doctrine6 and related caselaw. See Luther v.
Borden, 48 U.S. (7 How.) 1, 42 (1849) (finding non-justiciable a
Guarantee Clause argument by an individual claiming to act under
the authority of a state charter government because Congress, not
the federal courts, should decide which of two competing Rhode
Island governments should be recognized). At oral argument, the
state defendants retreated from this absolutist position and
acknowledged that there may be extreme cases in which a Guarantee
Clause claim would be justiciable, such as those involving
"permanent martial law, [the] declaration of a monarchy, [or]
perhaps a hostile takeover of one branch by another." Another
potential example, defendants acknowledged, might be a case
presenting the same facts as this case but in which the state
constitution had no mechanism for amendment, so that it was simply
beyond the power of the people to alter the SJC's holding. These
concessions by the state defendants demonstrate that resolving the
6
The political question doctrine has been infrequently used
in recent times. As this court noted in Doe v. Bush, 323 F.3d 133
(1st Cir. 2003), in the last forty years (now forty-one) the
Supreme Court has found a case non-justiciable on the basis of the
political question doctrine only twice, and it has explicitly
rejected the doctrine in a number of cases. Id. at 140-41.
-9-
issue of justiciability in the Guarantee Clause context may also
turn on the resolution of the merits of the underlying claim.
Another preliminary objection advanced by the defendants
is that this court should defer to the SJC's resolution of the
Massachusetts constitutional law questions raised by the
plaintiffs. Because the claimed federal Guarantee Clause violation
here depends on supposed state constitutional violations that the
SJC has specifically rejected, the defendants argue that the
plaintiffs cannot establish a necessary premise to their federal
case. The defendants are correct that federal courts should
generally defer to a state's highest court on issues of state law.
See Johnson, 520 U.S. at 916; Schad, 501 U.S. at 636; Murdock, 87
U.S. at 590. But it is at least arguable that the Guarantee Clause
might provide an exception to that rule of deference in extreme
cases, such as where the members of a state's highest court
declared the state to be a monarchy and themselves its regents.
This issue ultimately need not be resolved here, because, as we
explain below, the plaintiffs have not established a federal
Guarantee Clause violation on the facts here, regardless of whether
the remedy in Goodridge offends the Massachusetts Constitution.7
7
For this reason, we do not consider the district court's
determination of the state, not federal, law issue of whether the
SJC's exercise of jurisdiction and holding in Goodridge were
consistent with the Massachusetts Constitution. As the brief for
the state defendants filed by the Attorney General of Massachusetts
notes, a federal court "should be wary of . . . attempt[s] to draw
the Court into reviewing the decision of a state's highest court on
-10-
II.
The crucial question raised by plaintiffs' case is why
the state constitutional violations they allege, assuming they
exist, amount to a violation of the federal Constitution's
Guarantee Clause. Plaintiffs' argument is that the alleged
transgressions of the Massachusetts Constitution have deprived them
of a republican form of government by intruding on the people's
rights to elect representatives and structure the government.
According to the plaintiffs, not every separation-of-powers
violation under a state constitution leads to this result, but this
one does. Plaintiffs argue that this is because here three
conditions have been met: (1) the delegation or limitation of power
to one branch in the state constitution is express, (2) there is a
"clear departure" from the historic status quo, and (3) this "clear
departure" seriously impairs a representative form of government.
Defendants argue that the Supreme Court has found
Guarantee Clause claims non-justiciable where they were
"'political' in nature and where there [was] a clear absence of
judicially manageable standards." Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533,
582 (1964) (citing Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 217-32 (1962)). In
response, plaintiffs say that their own criteria provide the needed
matters of state constitutional law." The district court's
approach unnecessarily opened the door, as the state defendants
note, to a new way "for those dissatisfied by state court decisions
to seek federal court review," by simply labeling their
dissatisfaction as a Guarantee Clause claim.
-11-
judicially manageable standards, but they do not purport to find
those standards in Supreme Court precedent.
Whether or not the plaintiffs can satisfy their self-
tailored test, they simply have no viable Guarantee Clause claim on
these facts. First, the text of the Guarantee Clause does not
support such a claim. Second, the Supreme Court's caselaw
interpreting the Guarantee Clause rejects the plaintiffs' expansive
reading of the provision. Third, recognizing the plaintiffs' claim
would ultimately undermine the very purposes of the Guarantee
Clause, as the Supreme Court has noted.
We begin with the text of the Guarantee Clause. It
provides that:
The United States shall guarantee to every State in this
Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect
each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the
Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature
cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.
U.S. Const. art. IV, § 4. We do not purport to spell out the
entire scope or meaning of the Clause's guarantee of a republican
form of government. In fact, scholars have interpreted this
portion of the Guarantee Clause in numerous, often conflicting,
ways. See William M. Wiecek, The Guarantee Clause of the U.S.
Constitution 293-303 (1972) (outlining different interpretations of
the Guarantee Clause); see also Akhil Reed Amar, The Central
Meaning of Republican Government: Popular Sovereignty, Majority
Rule, and the Denominator Problem, 65 U. Colo. L. Rev. 749, 749
-12-
(1994); Erwin Chemerinsky, Cases Under the Guarantee Clause Should
be Justiciable, 65 U. Colo. L. Rev. 849, 864-69 (1994); Henry Paul
Monaghan, We the Peoples, Original Understanding, and the
Constitutional Amendment, 96 Colum. L. Rev. 121, 164-65 (1996); G.
Edward White, Guaranteeing a Republican Form of Government: Reading
the Guarantee Clause, 65 U. Colo. L. Rev. 787, 803 (1994). And
John Adams himself, twenty years after ratification of the
Constitution, confessed that he "never understood" what the
Guarantee Clause meant and that he "believ[ed] no man ever did or
ever will." Letter from John Adams to Mercy Warren (July 20,
1807), quoted in Wiecek, supra, at 13.
Despite the conflicting views on the precise meaning of
the Guarantee Clause, the text itself provides guidance. The first
portion of the Clause is only implicated when there is a threat to
a "Republican Form of Government." "Republican" is commonly
defined as "of, relating to, or having the characteristics of a
republic: having the form or based on the principles of a
republic." Webster's Third New International Dictionary 1928
(1993). "Republic," in turn, is defined as "a government in which
supreme power resides in a body of citizens entitled to vote and is
exercised by elected officers and representatives responsible to
them and governing according to law." Id.; see also Oxford English
Dictionary (2d ed. 1989) (defining "republic" as "[a] state in
which the supreme power rests in the people and their elected
-13-
representatives or officers, as opposed to one governed by a king
or similar ruler"). The Guarantee clause does not require a
particular allocation of power within each state so long as a
republican form of government is preserved. Indeed, the forms of
each state government at the time of the adoption of the
Constitution varied in terms of separations of powers, see Robert
J. Pushaw, Jr., Justiciability and Separation of Powers: A Neo-
Federalist Approach, 81 Cornell L. Rev. 393, 408-11 (1996), and are
each presumed to have been "Republican" within the meaning of the
Guarantee Clause, see Minor v. Happersett, 88 U.S. (21 Wall.) 162,
175-76 (1874). If there is any role for federal courts under the
Clause, it is restricted to real threats to a republican form of
government. The allocation of powers, including the amendment
powers, set forth in the Massachusetts Constitution, at the time of
adoption and now, self-evidently do not violate the Clause.
Comparing the text of the Guarantee Clause to the
different text of Article II, § 1, cl. 2 of the U.S. Constitution
provides further support for limiting federal court intervention in
state separation-of-powers violations, except, perhaps, in the most
egregious circumstances. The text of Article II, § 1, cl. 2
provides that "[e]ach State shall appoint, in such Manner as the
Legislature thereof may direct" electors for President and Vice
President. In contrast to the Guarantee Clause, this clause
explicitly implicates state separation-of-powers issues by
-14-
conferring a right or obligation upon one branch of the state
government. The extent to which this more explicit text authorizes
federal courts to intervene in state separation-of-powers
violations is nonetheless far from clear. While several members of
the Supreme Court have suggested that federal courts can indeed
review the internal allocations of power in a state government
under the text of this clause, see Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 112
(Rehnquist, C.J., concurring) (joined by Justices Scalia and
Thomas), that argument has been rejected by other members of the
Court, see id. at 123-24 (Stevens, J., dissenting) (joined by
Justices Ginsburg and Breyer) ("[N]othing in Article II of the
Federal Constitution frees the state legislature from the
constraints in the State Constitution that created it.").
Accordingly, it is not clear whether the text of Article II, § 1,
cl. 2 provides a basis for federal courts to review potential state
separation-of-powers violations. In the absence of extreme cases,
it is hard to understand the much less explicit text of the
Guarantee Clause, which does not clearly reference state
separation-of-powers issues, generally to authorize such review.
The Supreme Court cases addressing the Guarantee Clause
confirm what the plain text of the Clause suggests: most disputes
concerning the relationship among a state government's constituent
branches do not offend the Constitution's guarantee of a republican
form of government. The Supreme Court first said as much in
-15-
Forsyth v. City of Hammond, 166 U.S. 506 (1897). Responding to a
claim that powers belonging to a state legislature were given to
the state courts in violation of the Guarantee Clause, the Supreme
Court noted that "[t]he preservation of legislative control in such
matters is not one of the essential elements of a republican form
of government" that is guaranteed to the states. Id. at 519. The
Court later generalized this point, observing in response to a
Guarantee Clause claim that "[h]ow power shall be distributed by a
state among its governmental organs is commonly, if not always, a
question for the state itself." Highland Farms Dairy, Inc. v.
Agnew, 300 U.S. 608, 612 (1937); see also Pac. States Tel. & Tel.
Co. v. Oregon, 223 U.S. 118, 150-57 (1912) (Guarantee Clause
defense asserted by corporation against state's action to enforce
payment of taxes is non-justiciable).
Plaintiffs argue that the Supreme Court has not closed
the door to Guarantee Clause claims. They point out that the Court
assumed arguendo that the Clause was applicable in New York v.
United States, 505 U.S. 144, 185 (1992), and that it used some
expansive language to describe the Clause in Printz v. United
States, 521 U.S. 898, 919 (1997).8 But as the plaintiffs
8
In Printz, the Court noted that the Guarantee Clause
"presupposes the continued existence of the states and . . . those
means and instrumentalities which are the creation of their
sovereign and reserved rights," and thus that, through the
Guarantee Clause and several other clauses, the states "retained a
residuary and inviolable sovereignty" when the federal government
was established. 521 U.S. at 919 (internal quotations omitted).
-16-
acknowledge, neither New York nor Printz affirmatively held that
the Guarantee Clause could appropriately be invoked on the facts in
those cases. Both cases, moreover, are easily distinguishable from
the present case because they involved claims by a state that the
executive and legislative branches of the federal government were
interfering with state matters. In this suit, by contrast,
individuals are attempting to invoke the Guarantee Clause against
state officials, and federalism concerns about the scope of
congressional authority are simply absent.9
Most importantly, though, New York and Printz do not
establish that separation-of-powers violations within a state, such
as those alleged by the plaintiffs, constitute Guarantee Clause
violations. Much to the contrary, the Court in New York affirmed
that the Guarantee Clause (if claims under it are justiciable at
all) is only offended in highly limited circumstances. It held
that there was no possible violation of the Clause in that case
9
Acknowledging the different context in which New York and
Printz were decided, plaintiffs draw on academic commentary to
argue that the Guarantee Clause confers judicially cognizable
rights on individuals as well as states. See Chemerinsky, supra,
65 U. Colo. L. Rev. at 851 (the Guarantee Clause is a "protector of
basic individual rights and should not be treated as being solely
about the structure of government"); Debra F. Salz, Discrimination-
Prone Initiatives and the Guarantee Clause: A Role for the Supreme
Court, 62 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 100 (1993). They also rely on a
Kansas Supreme Court decision, VanSickle v. Shanahan, 511 P.2d 223
(Kan. 1973), which found justiciable (though ultimately non-
meritorious) a Guarantee Clause challenge to a state constitutional
amendment abolishing the offices of state treasurer and auditor.
See 511 P.2d at 227, 240, 243.
-17-
because the states retained "the ability to set their legislative
agendas" and "state government officials remain[ed] accountable to
the local electorate." 505 U.S. at 185. The same is true here.
The obvious question here is why the possibility of
amending the Massachusetts Constitution, see Mass. Const. amend.
art. XLVIII, against the background of normal election of the
legislature and governor by voters, is not sufficient to eliminate
any plausible claim of a deprivation of a republican form of
government under the Guarantee Clause. Although the possibility of
amending the constitution is not the only safeguard, it is
certainly the most direct.
Plaintiffs respond that the change in the definition of
marriage is so momentous that it overshadows either of these checks
available to the citizens of Massachusetts for two reasons. First,
any amendment to the Massachusetts Constitution will take roughly
two years to come into effect. Second, relying on the SJC's
language in Albano v. Attorney General, 769 N.E.2d 1242, 1246
(2002), the plaintiffs contend that the SJC would not permit a
constitutional amendment to render ineffective actions taken before
the date of the amendment. Thus, conclude the plaintiffs, even an
amendment would not void Goodridge, so there is no way to undo the
effect of Goodridge between its implementation and the passage of
a subsequent initiative amendment. As a result, plaintiffs argue
that "in the interim, [they] suffer loss of their representative
-18-
form of government in the same way they would suffer loss if the
SJC had abolished the legislature."
This argument goes too far. The SJC has not abolished
the legislature. The amendment process enshrined in the
Massachusetts Constitution is purposely designed to be slow; that
choice is itself a result of the state's republican form of
government. Moreover, even were the plaintiffs' reading of Albano
correct, an issue we do not decide, then the inability of a
constitutional amendment to void Goodridge retroactively is also
the result of a republican form of government in action. It was
the Massachusetts people who amended the state constitution in 1918
to provide for certain limitations in the process of constitutional
amendment. See Mass. Const. amend. art. XLVIII, pt. II, § 2.
The resolution of the same-sex marriage issue by the
judicial branch of the Massachusetts government, subject to
override by the voters through the state constitutional amendment
process, does not plausibly constitute a threat to a republican
form of government. Absent such a threat, our federal
constitutional system simply does not permit a federal court to
intervene in the arrangement of state government under the guise of
a federal Guarantee Clause question. Such an intervention would
itself threaten federal court interference with the very form of
government that the people of Massachusetts have chosen for
themselves. Perhaps, in unusual and extreme cases, such as the
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establishment of a monarchy by a state in place of a republican
form of government, individuals could utilize the federal courts to
enforce the Guarantee Clause. See The Federalist No. 43, at 311
(J. Madison) (B. Wright ed., 1961) (the Guarantee Clause gives "the
superintending government . . . authority to defend the system
against aristocratic or monarchical innovations"). That is not
this case.
III.
We affirm the denial of injunctive and declaratory
relief. No costs are awarded.
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