United States Court of Appeals
For the First Circuit
No. 10-1109
MARK and NILDA PRECETAJ,
Petitioners,
v.
ERIC H. HOLDER, JR., ATTORNEY GENERAL,
Respondent.
PETITION FOR REVIEW OF AN ORDER OF
THE BOARD OF IMMIGRATION APPEALS
Before
Lynch, Chief Judge,
Boudin and Thompson, Circuit Judges.
Jeffrey B. Rubin with whom Law Offices of Jeffrey B. Rubin,
P.C. was on brief for petitioners.
Andrea N. Gevas, Civil Division, Department of Justice, with
whom Tony West, Assistant Attorney General, David M. McConnell,
Deputy Director, and Stacy S. Paddack, Senior Litigation Counsel,
were on brief for respondent.
August 11, 2011
BOUDIN, Circuit Judge. Mark and Nilda Precetaj--husband
and wife--are citizens of Albania and seek review of administrative
decisions denying their application for asylum and ordering their
removal. Nilda Precetaj entered the United States on May 5, 2002,
on a temporary tourist visa that expired on November 4, 2002. Mark
Precetaj entered the United States on July 26, 2002, using a false
Italian passport.
In January 2003, Mark Precetaj filed an application for
asylum and withholding of removal that listed Nilda Precetaj as a
derivative beneficiary. Later, Nilda Precetaj applied for asylum,
withholding of removal, and protection under the United Nations
Convention Against Torture. See 8 C.F.R. §§ 1208.16-18 (2011). A
series of hearings were held between 2005 and 2008, and Mark
Precetaj provided evidence of the family's experience in Albania in
the 1990s and up to 2002.
Albania is a former communist country in the Balkans
whose dictatorial regime collapsed in the early 1990s; the collapse
was followed by a long period of economic crisis and political
upheaval. In the late 1990s, the situation began to stabilize and
today the country has a democratic constitution and holds regular
elections.
In the past decade or so, the Socialist Party and the
Democratic Party have dominated politics in Albania. After a
reconciliation in 1997, new elections were held and the Socialist
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Party established control through a coalition. Then, in 2005, the
Democratic Party leader became Prime Minister after his party won
new elections held with what the State Department Asylum Profile
called "a noticeably improved environment with little of the
violence or intimidation that marred previous elections."
The experiences to which Mark Precetaj testified began
over a decade before this 2005 election. After reporting the
presence of state agents at a student Democratic Party
demonstration in 1991, Mark Precetaj suffered threats and physical
assaults. He attributed this in part to his support for the party-
-he was not a member of it--but also to fear that he might reveal
crimes by Socialist Party members then in power that he learned of
through his employment at the Albanian Supreme Court.
Initially, Mark Precetaj was merely threatened in
telephone calls and told to keep his mouth shut. Thereafter, he
was threatened and then beaten in 1993 by three men wearing masks.
Although badly bruised, he did not report the incident to the
police, knowing that they were infiltrated by Socialist Party
members. In June 1997, he was threatened outside his home and told
to expect retribution when the Socialist Party won the election,
which it did.
In 1998, on the fifth anniversary of his beating, his car
was set on fire in front of his home. In 1999, both of his
children were targeted; his son was kidnaped once and beaten twice,
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and his daughter was kidnaped and held for three days, during which
time she was assaulted and raped. After his daughter's abduction,
state security agents beat up Mark Precetaj again. With his
encouragement, his children fled to the United States and have
since been granted asylum.
In June 2001, Mark Precetaj was attacked and beaten by a
man who repeated the same threats. When he reported this to the
Democratic Party, he received another telephonic threat. In May
2002, he received a further telephone call to look outside for a
present; doing so, he found at the door an envelope containing two
bullets. His wife then fled to the United States; lacking a visa,
he stayed behind but joined her later.
At the end of a series of hearings, the Immigration Judge
("IJ") on July 7, 2008, delivered an oral decision denying Mark and
Nilda Precetaj relief. The IJ said that Mark Precetaj's testimony
was credible and internally consistent, but described the incidents
only in general terms: the IJ said that Mark Precetaj was "beaten
on at least two occasions" and pointed out that he did not seek
medical treatment or report the incidents to the police. The IJ
also noted that (as of 2008) the Democratic Party had regained
power in Albania.
There follow two sentences of analysis that comprise the
heart of the decision:
[T]he Court will and hereby does deny his
application for asylum as the harm suffered by
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the respondent himself does not, in the
Court's opinion, rise to the level of past
persecution. Even if the Court were to find
otherwise, alternatively, the Court finds that
circumstances in Albania have changed to the
extent that the respondent would no longer
have a well-founded fear of future persecution
due to the fact that Democratic party is now
the party in power in the country of Albania.
The IJ then said that any request for withholding of
removal also failed because this relief requires an even higher
probability of future persecution than the asylum standard; and any
claim under the Convention Against Torture also failed, there being
no evidence that Mark Precetaj would be tortured. In the hearings
the IJ had taken note of an alternative form of relief available
even where future persecution is not a threat--discretionary
"humanitarian asylum" based on past persecution alone--but this was
not separately discussed in the IJ's decision.
On review, the Board of Immigration Appeals ("the Board")
affirmed. It upheld the finding of no past persecution summarily;
alternatively, it said any presumption of future persecution had
been rebutted by "a fundamental change in circumstances" in
Albania, 8 C.F.R. § 1208.13(b)(1)(i)(A). As for humanitarian
relief based on past persecution alone, the Board said Mark
Precetaj's treatment did not rise to the required level for such
discretionary relief.
On our review of a "final order of removal," Immigration
and Nationality Act ("INA") § 242(a)(1), 8 U.S.C. § 1252(a)(1)
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(2006), the findings of fact by the IJ are "conclusive unless any
reasonable adjudicator would be compelled to conclude to the
contrary," INA § 242(b)(4)(B); questions of law are subject to de
novo review, McNary v. Haitian Refugee Ctr. Inc., 498 U.S. 479,
493 (1991). The substantive criteria and bases for relief are
contained in the INA and accompanying regulations.
Pertinently, asylum normally depends on a reasonable fear
of future persecution by the government (directly or because of
inaction), Orelien v. Gonzales, 467 F.3d 67, 72 (1st Cir. 2006),
due to one of a set of enumerated grounds such as political
opinion. INA § 101(a)(42); 8 C.F.R. § 1208.13(b)(2)(i)(A).
Usually, although not invariably, this is based on past persecution
because, where an applicant establishes past persecution, a
rebuttable presumption arises of a well-founded fear of future
persecution, 8 C.F.R. § 1208.13(b)(1). In turn, the government may
rebut the presumption with a showing of a fundamental change in
circumstances in the country or the opportunity to relocate safely
within it, 8 C.F.R. § 1208.13(b)(1)(i).
Where the presumption is rebutted, then absent other
evidence from the applicant, asylum must be denied, 8 C.F.R. §
1208.13(b)(1)(i), unless the applicant demonstrates severe past
persecution (or establishes a "reasonable possibility" of "other
serious harm"); if such severe persecution is established, the
immigration judge has discretion to grant asylum, 8 C.F.R. §
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1208.13(b)(1)(iii)--such relief sometimes being known as
"humanitarian asylum," In re Chen, 20 I. & N. Dec. 16, 21 (BIA
1989).
In ordinary asylum cases, often the central issue turns
on whether the applicant's story of past abuse is to be believed,
and the IJ and the Board have considerable latitude in evaluating
credibility. A negative assessment gets substantial weight in this
circuit when backed by explanation including demeanor evidence,
inconsistencies, improbabilities, or failure to produce confirming
evidence that ought to be available.1 However, in this case Mark
Precetaj's testimony was accepted as true by the IJ.
"Persecution," even linked to the government and based on
a listed ground (both conditions implicitly accepted as satisfied
by the IJ here), entails something more than the casual or
occasional mistreatment that is common in many countries. "[A]
person's experience must rise above unpleasantness, harassment, and
even basic suffering," Nelson v. INS, 232 F.3d 258, 263 (1st Cir.
2000); much depends on the "severity, duration, and frequency of
1
See Sunoto v. Gonzales, 504 F.3d 56, 59-61 (1st Cir. 2007);
Shahari v. Gonzáles, 407 F.3d 467, 474-75 (1st Cir. 2005); Disu v.
Ashcroft, 338 F.3d 13, 17-18 (1st Cir. 2003); Bojorques-Villanueva
v. INS, 194 F.3d 14 (1st Cir. 1999). Cf. Sok v. Mukasey, 526 F.3d
48, 55-56 (1st Cir. 2008).
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physical abuse." Topalli v. Gonzales, 417 F.3d 128, 133 (1st Cir.
2005).2
However, in this case, the IJ and the Board have not
given a persuasive explanation for rejecting the claim of past
persecution. Standing alone, the incidents of threats and violence
directed against Mark Precetaj are substantial and continued over
almost a decade; and they were arguably based on interrelated
motives: his support for the political opposition and the
derivative concern of those in power that he would reveal
information about abuses that he had garnered through his work.
True, Mark Precetaj was never jailed, none of the
violence sent him to a hospital, and if this were all we could not
casually reject the agency judgment. The case would fall within
that gray area of sporadic and limited abuse which is the lot of
many persons around the world but is not the exceptional and
sustained violence or other forms of persecution that compel the
agency to grant asylum.
But the systematic and serious abuse of the children adds
another dimension. Two kidnapings, three beatings, and an
aggravated rape of his children--specifically designed to send a
message to Mark Precetaj--were clearly part of the persecution of
2
The Board has often rejected persecution claims, and been
upheld, where only a single incident, often of a severe beating or
mistreatment, has occurred. E.g., Decky v. Holder, 587 F.3d 104,
111-12 (1st Cir. 2009); Khan v. Mukasey, 549 F.3d 573, 576-77 (1st
Cir. 2008); Guzman v. INS, 327 F.3d 11, 15-16 (1st Cir. 2003).
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him. Sok v. Mukasey, 526 F.3d 48, 54-55 (1st Cir. 2008); Jorgi v.
Mukasey, 514 F.3d 53, 57 & n.3 (1st Cir. 2008). Only the IJ
mentions these further abuses, and only does so briefly ("[Mark
Precetaj] described incidents in which both of his children were
subjected to past persecution . . . .").
If there is a reason for discounting or ignoring these
incidents, it is not explained in either decision. And if they are
taken into account, it is not apparent why the sum total of the
abuse directed against Mark Precetaj would not qualify as
persecution. The discrepancy is underscored by the fact that the
persecuted family members were themselves granted asylum. Ticoalu
v. Gonzáles, 472 F.3d 8, 11-12 (1st Cir. 2006). Cf. Cendrawasih v.
Holder, 571 F.3d 128, 130 (1st Cir. 2009). On this issue a remand
is required.
The alternative ground given by both the IJ and Board is
more powerful. Notwithstanding past persecution, changed country
conditions make unreasonable any legitimate fear of future
persecution. The 2007 Country Report and the 2006 Asylum Profile
confirm a decreasing level of violence following the 1998 elections
and steadily improving since then, culminating in the 2005 victory
of the Democratic Party. Neither the IJ nor Board discussed these
changes in detail, but the two documents are part of the record and
provide pertinent evidence.
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However, "changed country conditions do not automatically
trump the applicant's specific evidence" in every case, Waweru v.
Gonzales, 437 F.3d 199, 203 (1st Cir. 2006) (internal quotation
omitted); accord Mihaylov v. Ashcroft, 379 F.3d 15, 23 (1st Cir.
2004). Here, as Mark Precetaj points out in his brief, there is
evidence that local power is still wielded by the Socialist Party;
and, logically those who feared disclosures by him have as much or
even more reason to fear disclosures of their past wrongs now that
the Democratic Party is in power. In its brief on appeal, the
government is silent as to this continuing threat.
Such a specific and colorable threat is based on a motive
for and conditions facilitating further persecution despite the
2005 takeover of the central government by the Democratic Party;
and it distinguishes cases in which the 2005 elections or a general
improvement in conditions were found adequate to refute the
likelihood of further persecution. E.g., Uruci v. Holder, 558 F.3d
14, 17 (1st Cir. 2009); Tota v. Gonzales, 457 F.3d 161, 166-67 (1st
Cir. 2006). In many cases, these changes may be enough to refute
the presumption but not necessarily in all.
Indeed, in Waweru we agreed that retention of local power
by former persecutors could favor the asylum seeker's claim and
make a simple change in central government insufficient to rebut
the presumption. 437 F.3d at 204. The claim faltered there
because the motive for past persecution--the applicant's opposition
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to a one party state--had itself disappeared with the disappearance
of the party and the loss of any power by its erstwhile leader.
Id. Here, the motive for persecution of Mark Precetaj by local
officials may well remain intact.
There remains Mark Precetaj's alternative claim that
humanitarian asylum was justified--the fall-back category described
above. In Waweru, we said that this "humanitarian asylum" is
granted only in cases of "extraordinary suffering" and that
"arbitrary arrests and beatings" do not suffice. 437 F.3d at 205
(internal quotations omitted), accord Tokarska v. INS, 978 F.2d 1,
1 (1st Cir. 1992) (per curiam)("[A]n alien must show past
persecution so severe that repatriation would be inhumane."
(internal quotations omitted)).
Humanitarian asylum is available even if there is no risk
of future persecution, but the paradigm case is one in which so
much abuse has been directed against the victim that the suffering
is projected into the future and that a return of the applicant to
the place where the harm was inflicted would magnify the prior
suffering. E.g., Brucaj v. Ashcroft, 381 F.3d 602, 604 (7th Cir.
2004) (applicant brutally gang-raped in front of her parents).3
This limited discussion is sufficient for our purposes, because on
3
Accord, Sowe v. Mukasey, 538 F.3d 1281, 1287 (9th Cir. 2008);
Lal v. INS, 255 F.3d 998, 1009-10 (9th Cir. 2001); Lopez-Galarza v.
INS, 99 F.3d 954, 963 (9th Cir. 1996); Rodriguez-Matamaros v. INS,
86 F.3d 158, 160-61 (9th Cir. 1996).
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these particular facts the claim plainly fails: Mark Precetaj's
simple statement that he continues to suffer hardly establishes the
necessary level of suffering.
Mark Precetaj asserts that the IJ and Board failed even
to address his claim for humanitarian asylum, but the IJ discussed
the issue in the hearing and the Board explicitly rejected the
claim. Absent a prima facie case of "extraordinary suffering" and
some reasonable prospect of a grant, it can hardly be expected that
every case should entail a detailed discussion of a last-resort
form of relief that is difficult to obtain and rarely granted. See
generally Ang v. Gonzales, 430 F.3d 50, 58 (1st Cir. 2005).
The order of the Board affirming the IJ decision is
vacated and the matter is remanded for proceedings on the past
persecution and changed country conditions issues consistent with
this decision.
It is so ordered.
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