concurring.
It is unfortunate that this Court should flounder in wordy disagreement over the validity and effect of procedures which have already been pursued for several years. The extravagance of some of the views expressed and the intemperance of their statement may create a suspicion that the decision of the case does not rise above the political controversy that engendered it.
Mr. Justice Burton, and those for whom he speaks, would rescue the Loyalty Order from inquiry as to its validity by spelling out an admission by the Attorney General that it has been arbitrarily misapplied. Mr. Justice Black would have us hold that listing by the Attorney General of organizations alleged to be subversive is the equivalent of a bill of attainder for treason after the fashion of those of the Stuart kings, while Mr. Justice Reed contends, in substance, that the designation is a mere press release without legal consequences.
If the Court agreed that an accused employee could challenge the designation, its effect would be only advisory or prima facie; but as I point out later, the Court refuses so to limit the effect of the designation. In view of these and other diversified opinions, none of which has attracted sufficient adherents for a Court and none of which I can fully accept, I shall state rather than argue my view of the matter.
1. The Loyalty Order does affect substantive legal rights. — I agree that mere designation as subversive de*184prives the organizations themselves of no legal right or immunity. By it they are not dissolved, subjected to any legal prosecution, punished, penalized, or prohibited from carrying on any of their activities. Their claim of injury is that they cannot attract audiences, enlist members, or obtain contributions as readily as before. These, however, are sanctions applied by public disapproval, not by law. It is quite true that the popular censure is focused upon them by the Attorney General’s characterization. But the right of privacy does not extend to organized groups or associations which solicit funds or memberships or to corporations dependent upon the state for their charters.1 The right of individuals to assemble is one thing; the claim that an organization of secret undisclosed character may conduct public drives for funds or memberships is another. They may be free to solicit, propagandize, and hold meetings, but they are not free from public criticism or exposure. If the only effect of the Loyalty Order was that suffered by the organizations, I should think their right to relief very dubious.
But the real target of all this procedure is the government employee who is a member of, or sympathetic to, one or more accused organizations. He not only may be discharged, but disqualified from employment, upon no other ground than such membership or sympathetic affiliation. And he cannot attack the correctness of the Attorney General’s designation in any loyalty proceeding.2
*185Ordinary dismissals from government service which violate no fixed tenure concern only the Executive branch, and courts will not review such discretionary action.3 However, these are not discretionary discharges but discharges pursuant to an order having force of law. Administrative machinery is publicly set up to comb the whole government service4 to discharge persons or to declare them ineligible for employment upon an incontestable finding, made without hearing, that some organization is subversive. To be deprived not only of present government employment but of future opportunity for it certainly is no small injury when government employment so dominates the field of opportunity.
The fact that one may not have a legal right to get or keep a government post does not mean that he can be adjudged ineligible illegally. Perkins v. Elg.5
*1862. To promulgate with force of law a conclusive finding of disloyalty, without hearing at some stage before such finding becomes final, is a denial of due process of law.— On this subject, I agree with the opinion of Mr. Justice Frankfurter. That the safeguard of a hearing would not defeat the effectiveness of a Loyalty Program is apparently the judgment of Congress and of State Legislatures, for, as he points out, both congressional and state loyalty legislation recognize the right.
3. The organizations may vindicate unconstitutional deprivation of members’ rights. — There are two stages at which administrative hearings could protect individuals’ legal rights — one is before an organization is designated as subversive, the other is when the individual, because of membership, is accused of disloyalty. Either choice might be a permissible solution of a difficult problem inherent in such an extensive program. But an equally divided Court today, erroneously, I think, rejects the claim that the individual has hearing rights.6 I am unable to comprehend the process by which those who think the Attorney General’s designation is no more than a press release can foreclose attack upon it in the employees’ case. Also beyond my understanding is how a Court whose collective opinion is that the designations are subject to judicial inquiry can at the same time say that a discharge based at least in part on them is not.
By the procedures of this Loyalty Order, both groups and individuals may be labeled disloyal and subversive. The Court grants judicial review and relief to the group while refusing it to the individual. So far as I recall, this is the first time this Court has held rights of individuals subordinate and inferior to those of organized groups. I think that is an inverted view of the law— it is justice turned bottom-side up.
*187I have believed that a corporation can maintain an action to protect rights under the Due Process or Equal Protection Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment, e. g., Wheeling Steel Corp. v. Glander, 337 U. S. 562, 574. The only practical judicial policy when people pool their capital, their interests, or their activities under a name and form that will identify collective interests, often is to permit the association or corporation in a single case to vindicate the interests of all.
This procedure is appropriate here where the Government has lumped all the members’ interests in the organization so that condemnation of the one will reach all. The Government proceeds on the basis that each of these associations is so identical with its members that the subversive purpose and intents of the one may be attributed to and made conclusive upon the other. Having adopted this procedure in the Executive Department, I think the Government can hardly ask the Judicial Department to deny the standing of the organizations to vindicate its members’ rights.
Unless a hearing is provided in which the organization can present evidence as to its character, a presumption of disloyalty is entered against its every member-employee, and because of it, he may be branded disloyal, discharged, and rendered ineligible for government service. I would reverse the decisions for lack of due process in denying a hearing at any stage.
United States v. Morton Salt Co., 338 U. S. 632, 652.
“Boards . . . should not enter upon any evidential investigation of the nature of any of the organizations identified in the Attorney General’s list, for the purpose of attacking, contradicting, or modifying the controlling conclusion reached by the Attorney General in such list. . . . [T] he Board should permit no evidence or argument before it on the point.” Loyalty Review Board, Memorandum No. 2, March 9, 1948.
Eberlein v. United States, 257 U. S. 82; Keim v. United States, 177 U. S. 290.
This is true, although reasons stated are alleged to be false or the officer taking the action is alleged to have acted in a biased, prejudicial and unfair manner. Golding v. United States, 78 Ct. Cl. 682, 685; cert. denied, 292 U. S. 643.
“A total of 3,166 Government employees have quit or have been discharged under President Truman’s loyalty program since it began March 21,1947, the Loyalty Review Board reported today.
“Of these, 294 actually were discharged for disloyalty. The remainder, 2,872, quit while under investigation and might or might not have been found disloyal.” New York Times, January 16, 1951.
307 U. S. 325, 349. That was an action to mandamus the Secretary of State to issue a passport, to which it was conceded Miss Elg had no legal right, its issuance being wholly within Executive discretion which the courts would not attempt to control. Chief Justice Hughes pointed out, however, that its denial to Miss Elg was not grounded in the Secretary’s general discretion but “solely on the ground that she had lost her native born American citizenship.” Finding that ground untenable, this Court directed its decree against the Secretary. The Secretary might say she would get no passport, but he could not, for unjustifiable reasons, say she was ineligible for one.
Bailey v. Richardson, 341 U. S. 918.