dissenting.
The problems presented by this case are narrow and relatively abstract, but the principles by which they must be resolved involve nothing less than the proper functioning of the federal courts, and so run to the roots of our constitutional system. The nub of my view is that the end result of Frothingham v. Mellon, 262 U. S. 447, was correct, even though, like others,11 do not subscribe to all of its reasoning and premises. Although I therefore agree with certain of the conclusions reached today by the Court,2 I cannot accept the standing doctrine *117that it substitutes for Frothingham, for it seems to me that this new doctrine rests on premises that do not withstand analysis. Accordingly, I respectfully dissent.
I.
It is desirable first to restate the basic issues in this case. The question here is not, as it was not in Froth-ingham, whether “a federal taxpayer is without standing to challenge the constitutionality of a federal statute.” Ante, at 85. It could hardly be disputed that federal taxpayers may, as taxpayers, contest the constitutionality of tax obligations imposed severally upon them by federal statute. Such a challenge may be made by way of defense to an action by the United States to recover the amount of a challenged tax debt, see, e. g., Hylton v. United States, 3 Dall. 171; McCray v. United States, 195 U. S. 27; United States v. Butler, 297 U. S. 1; or to a prosecution for willful failure to pay or to report the tax. See, e. g., Marchetti v. United States, 390 U. S. 39. Moreover, such a challenge may provide the basis of an action by a taxpayer to obtain the refund of a previous tax payment. See, e. g., Bailey v. Drexel Furniture Co., 259 U. S. 20.
The lawsuits here and in Frothingham are fundamentally different. They present the question whether federal taxpayers qua taxpayers may, in suits in which they do not contest the validity of their previous or existing tax obligations, challenge the constitutionality of the uses for which Congress has authorized the expenditure of public funds. These differences in the purposes of the cases are reflected in differences in the litigants’ interests. An action brought to contest the validity of tax liabilities assessed to the plaintiff is designed to vindicate interests that are personal and proprietary. The wrongs alleged and the relief sought by such a plaintiff are unmistakably private; only secondarily are his interests representative of those of the general population. I take *118it that the Court, although it does not pause to examine the question, believes that the interests of those who as taxpayers challenge the constitutionality of public expenditures may, at least in certain circumstances, be similar. Yet this assumption is surely mistaken.3
The complaint in this case, unlike that in Frothingham, contains no allegation that the contested expenditures will in any fashion affect the amount of these taxpayers’ own existing or foreseeable tax obligations. Even in cases in which such an allegation is made, the suit cannot result in an adjudication either of the plaintiff’s tax liabilities or of the propriety of any particular level of taxation. The relief available to such a plaintiff consists entirely of the vindication of rights held in common by all citizens. It is thus scarcely surprising that few of the state courts that permit such suits require proof either that the challenged expenditure is consequential in amount or that it is likely to affect significantly the plaintiff’s own tax bill; these courts have at least impliedly recognized that such allegations are surplusage, useful only to preserve the form of an obvious fiction.4
Nor are taxpayers’ interests in the expenditure of public funds differentiated from those of the general public by any special rights retained by them in their tax payments. The simple fact is that no such rights can sensibly be said to exist. Taxes are ordinarily levied by the United States without limitations of purpose; absent such a limitation, payments received by the Treasury in satisfaction of tax obligations lawfully created become part of the Government’s general funds. The national legislature is required by the Constitution to *119exercise its spending powers to “provide for the common Defence and general Welfare.” Art. I, § 8, cl. 1. Whatever other implications there may be to that sweeping phrase, it surely means that the United States holds its general funds, not as stakeholder or trustee for those who have paid its imposts, but as surrogate for the population at large. Any rights of a taxpayer with respect to the purposes for which those funds are expended are thus subsumed in, and extinguished by, the common rights of all citizens. To characterize taxpayers’ interests in such expenditures as proprietary or even personal either deprives those terms of all meaning or postulates for taxpayers a scintilla juris in funds that no longer are theirs.
Surely it is plain that the rights and interests of taxpayers who contest the constitutionality of public expenditures are markedly different from those of “Hohfel-dian” plaintiffs,5 including those taxpayer-plaintiffs who challenge the validity of their own tax liabilities. We must recognize that these non-Hohfeldian plaintiffs complain, just as the petitioner in Frothingham sought to complain, not as taxpayers, but as “private attorneys-general.” 6 The interests they represent, and the rights they espouse, are bereft of any personal or proprietary coloration. They are, as litigants, indistinguishable from any group selected at random from among the general *120population, taxpayers and nontaxpayers alike. These are and must be, to adopt Professor Jaffe’s useful phrase, “public actions” brought to vindicate public rights.7
It does not, however, follow that suits brought by non-Hohfeldian plaintiffs are excluded by the “case or controversy” clause of Article III of the Constitution from the jurisdiction of the federal courts. This and other federal courts have repeatedly held that individual litigants, acting as private attorneys-general, may have standing as “representatives of the public interest.” Scripps-Howard Radio v. Comm’n, 316 U. S. 4, 14. See also Commission v. Sanders Radio Station, 309 U. S. 470, 477; Associated Industries v. Ickes, 134 F. 2d 694; Reade v. Ewing, 205 F. 2d 630; Scenic Hudson Preservation Conf. v. FPC, 354 F. 2d 608; Office of Communication of United Church of Christ v. FCC, 123 U. S. App. D. C. 328, 359 F. 2d 994. Compare Oklahoma v. Civil Service Comm’n, 330 U. S. 127, 137-139. And see, on actions qui tam, Marvin v. Trout, 199 U. S. 212, 225; United States ex rel. Marcus v. Hess, 317 U. S. 537, 546. The various lines of authority are by no means free of difficulty, and certain of the cases may be explicable as involving a personal, if remote, economic interest, but I think that it is, nonetheless, clear that non-Hohfeldian plaintiffs as such are not constitutionally excluded from the federal courts. The problem ultimately presented by this case is, in my view, therefore to determine in what circumstances, consonant with the character and proper functioning of the federal courts, such suits should be permitted.8 With this preface, I shall examine the position adopted by the Court.
*121II.
As I understand it, the Court’s position is that it is unnecessary to decide in what circumstances public actions should be permitted, for it is possible to identify situations in which taxpayers who contest the constitutionality of federal expenditures assert “personal” rights and interests, identical in principle to those asserted by Hohfeldian plaintiffs. This position, if supportable, would of course avoid many of the difficulties of this case; indeed, if the Court is correct, its extended exploration of the subtleties of Article III is entirely unnecessary. But, for reasons that follow, I believe that the Court’s position is untenable.
The Court’s analysis consists principally of the observation that the requirements of standing are met if a taxpayer has the “requisite personal stake in the outcome” of his suit. Ante, at 101. This does not, of course, resolve the standing problem; it merely restates it. The Court implements this standard with the declaration that taxpayers will be “deemed” to have the necessary personal interest if their suits satisfy two criteria: first, the challenged expenditure must form part of a federal spending program, and not merely be “incidental” to a regulatory program; and second, the constitutional provision under which the plaintiff claims must be a “specific limitation” upon Congress’ spending powers. The difficulties with these criteria are many and severe, but it is enough for the moment to emphasize that they are not in any sense a measurement of any plaintiff’s interest in the outcome of any suit. As even a cursory examination of *122the criteria will show, the Court’s standard for the determination of standing and its criteria for the satisfaction of that standard are entirely unrelated.
It is surely clear that a plaintiff’s interest in the outcome of a suit in which he challenges the constitutionality of a federal expenditure is not made greater or smaller by the unconnected fact that the expenditure is, or is not, “incidental” to an “essentially regulatory” program.9 An example will illustrate the point. Assume that two independent federal programs are authorized by Congress, that the first is designed to encourage a specified religious group by the provision to it of direct grants-in-aid, and that the second is designed to discourage all other religious groups by the imposition of various forms of discriminatory regulation. Equal amounts are appropriated by Congress for the two programs. If a taxpayer challenges their constitutionality in separate suits,10 are we to suppose, as evidently does the Court, that his *123“personal stake” in the suit involving the second is necessarily smaller than it is in the suit involving the first, and that he should therefore have standing in one but not the other?
Presumably the Court does not believe that regulatory programs are necessarily less destructive of First Amendment fights, or that regulatory programs are necessarily less prodigal of public funds than are grants-in-aid, for both these general propositions are demonstrably false. The Court’s disregard of regulatory expenditures is not even a logical consequence of its apparent assumption that taxpayer-plaintiffs assert essentially monetary interests, for it surely cannot matter to a taxpayer qua taxpayer whether an unconstitutional expenditure is used to hire the services of regulatory personnel or is distributed among private and local governmental agencies as grants-in-aid. His interest as taxpayer arises, if at all, from the fact of an unlawful expenditure, and not as a consequence of the expenditure’s form. Apparently the Court has repudiated the emphasis in Frothingham upon the amount of the plaintiff’s tax bill, only to substitute an equally irrelevant emphasis upon the form of the challenged expenditure.
The Court’s second criterion is similarly unrelated to its standard for the determination of standing. The intensity of a plaintiff’s interest in a suit is not measured, even obliquely, by the fact that the constitutional provision under which he claims is, or is not, a “specific limitation” upon Congress’ spending powers. Thus, among the claims in Frothingham was the assertion that the Maternity Act, 42 Stat. 224, deprived the petitioner of property without due process of law. The Court has evidently concluded that this claim did not confer standing because the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment is not a specific limitation upon the spending *124powers.11 Disregarding for the moment the formidable obscurity of the Court’s categories, how can it be said that Mrs. Frothingham’s interests in her suit were, as a consequence of her choice of a constitutional claim, necessarily less intense than those, for example, of the present appellants? I am quite unable to understand how, if a taxpayer believes that a given public expenditure is unconstitutional, and.if he seeks to vindicate that belief in a federal court, his interest in the suit can be said necessarily to vary according to the constitutional provision under which he states his claim.
The absence of any connection between the Court’s standard for the determination of standing and its criteria for the satisfaction of that standard is not merely a logical ellipsis. Instead, it follows quite relentlessly from the fact that, despite the Court’s apparent belief, the plaintiffs in this and similar suits are non-Hohfeldian, and it is very nearly impossible to measure sensibly any differences in the intensity of their personal interests in their suits. The Court has thus been compelled simply to postulate situations in which such taxpayer-plaintiffs will be “deemed” to have the requisite “personal stake and interest.” Ante, at 101. The logical inadequacies of the Court’s criteria are thus a reflection of the deficiencies of its entire position. These deficiencies will, however, appear more plainly from an examination of the Court’s treatment of the Establishment Clause.
*125Although the Court does not altogether explain its position, the essence of its reasoning is evidently that a taxpayer’s claim under the Establishment Clause is “not merely one of ultra vires,” but one which instead asserts “an abridgment of individual religious liberty” and a “governmental infringement of individual rights protected by the Constitution.” Choper, The Establishment Clause and Aid to Parochial Schools, 56 Calif. L. Rev. 260, 276. It must first be emphasized that this is apparently not founded upon any “preferred” position for the First Amendment, or upon any asserted unavailability of other plaintiffs.12 The Court’s position is instead that, because of the Establishment Clause’s historical purposes, taxpayers retain rights under it quite different from those held by them under other constitutional provisions.
The difficulties with this position are several. First, we have recently been reminded that the historical purposes of the religious clauses of the First Amendment are significantly more obscure and complex than this Court has heretofore acknowledged.13 Careful students *126of the history of the Establishment Clause have found that “it is impossible to give a dogmatic interpretation of the First Amendment, and to state with any accuracy the intention of the men who framed it . . . .”14 Above all, the evidence seems clear that the First Amendment was not intended simply to enact the terms of Madison’s Memorial and Remonstrance against Religious Assessments.15 I do not suggest that history is without relevance to these questions, or that the use of federal funds for religious purposes was not a form of establishment that many in the 18th century would have found objectionable. I say simply that, given the ultimate obscurity of the Establishment Clause’s historical purposes, it is inappropriate for this Court to draw fundamental distinctions among the several constitutional commands upon the supposed authority of isolated dicta extracted from the clause’s complex history. In particular, I have not found, and the opinion of the Court has not adduced, historical evidence that properly permits the Court to distinguish, as it has here, among the Establishment Clause, the Tenth Amendment, and the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment as limitations upon Congress’ taxing and spending powers.16
*127The Court’s position is equally precarious if it is assumed that its premise is that the Establishment Clause is in some uncertain fashion a more “specific” limitation upon Congress’ powers than are the various other constitutional commands. It is obvious, first, that only in some Pickwickian sense are any of the provisions with which the Court is concerned “specific[ally]” limitations upon spending, for they contain nothing that is expressly directed at the expenditure of public funds. The specificity to which the Court repeatedly refers must therefore arise, not from the provisions’ language, but from something implicit in their purposes. But this Court has often emphasized that Congress’ powers to spend are coterminous with the purposes for which, and methods by which, it may act, and that the various constitutional commands applicable to the central government, including those implicit both in the Tenth Amendment and in the General Welfare Clause, thus operate as limitations upon spending. See United States v. Butler, 297 U. S. 1. And see, e. g., Veazie Bank v. Fenno, 8 Wall. 533, 541; Loan Association v. Topeka, 20 Wall. 655, 664; Thompson v. Consolidated Gas Co., 300 U. S. 55, 80; Carmichael v. Southern Coal Co., 301 U. S. 495; Everson v. Board of Education, 330 U. S. 1, 6. Compare Steward Machine Co. v. Davis, 301 U. S. 548; Helvering v. Davis, 301 U. S. 619. I can attach no constitutional significance to the various degrees of specificity with which these limitations appear in the terms or history of the Constitution. If the Court accepts the proposition, as I do, *128that the number and scope of public actions should be restricted, there are, as I shall show, methods more appropriate, and more nearly permanent, than the creation of an amorphous category of constitutional provisions that the Court has deemed, without adequate foundation, “specific limitations” upon Congress’ spending powers.
Even if it is assumed that such distinctions may properly be drawn, it does not follow that federal taxpayers hold any “personal constitutional right” such that they may each contest the validity under the Establishment Clause of all federal expenditures. The difficulty, with which the Court never comes to grips, is that taxpayers’ suits under the Establishment Clause are not in these circumstances meaningfully different from other public actions. If this case involved a tax specifically designed for the support of religion, as was the Virginia tax opposed by Madison in his Memorial and Remonstrance,17 I would agree that taxpayers have rights under the religious clauses of the First Amendment that would permit them standing to challenge the tax’s validity in the federal courts. But this is not such a case, and appellants challenge an expenditure, not a tax. Where no such tax is involved, a taxpayer’s complaint can consist only of an allegation that public funds have been, or shortly will be, expended for purposes inconsistent with the Constitution. The taxpayer cannot ask the return of any portion of his previous tax payments, cannot prevent the collection of any existing tax debt, and cannot demand an adjudication of the propriety of any particular level of taxation. His tax payments are received for the general purposes of the United States, and are, upon proper receipt, lost in the general revenues. Compare Steward Machine Co. v. Davis, supra, at 585. The interests he *129represents, and the rights he espouses, are, as they are in all public actions, those held in common by all citizens. To describe those* rights and interests as personal, and to intimate that they are in some unspecified fashion to be differentiated from those of the general public, reduces constitutional standing to a word game played by secret rules.18
*130Apparently the Court, having successfully circumnavigated the issue, has merely returned to the proposition from which it began. A litigant, it seems, will have standing if he is “deemed” to have the requisite interest, and “if you . . . have standing, then you can be confident you are” suitably interested. Brown, Quis Custodiet Ipsos Custodes? — The School-Prayer Cases, 1963 Sup. Ct. Rev. 1, 22.
III.
It seems to me clear that public actions, whatever the constitutional provisions on which they are premised, may involve important hazards for the continued effectiveness of the federal judiciary. Although I believe such actions to be within the jurisdiction conferred upon the federal courts by Article III of the Constitution, there surely can be little doubt that they strain the judicial function and press to the limit judicial authority. There is every reason to fear that unrestricted public actions might well alter the allocation of authority among the three branches of the Federal Government. It is not, I submit, enough to say that the present members of the Court would not seize these opportunities for abuse, for such actions would, even without conscious abuse, go far toward the final transformation of this Court into the Council of Revision which, despite Madison’s support, was rejected by the Constitutional Convention.19 I do not doubt that there must be “some effectual power in the government to restrain or correct the infractions” 20 of *131the Constitution’s several commands, but neither can I suppose that such power resides only in the federal courts. We must as judges recall that, as Mr. Justice Holmes wisely observed, the other branches of the Government “are ultimate guardians of the liberties and welfare of the people in quite as great a degree as the courts.” Missouri, Kansas & Texas R. Co. v. May, 194 U. S. 267, 270. The powers of the federal judiciary will be adequate for the great burdens placed upon them only if they are employed prudently, with recognition of the strengths as well as the hazards that go with our kind of representative government.
Presumably the Court recognizes at least certain of these hazards, else it would not have troubled to impose limitations upon the situations in which, and purposes for which, such suits may be brought. Nonetheless, the limitations adopted by the Court are, as I have endeavored to indicate, wholly untenable. This is the more unfortunate because there is available a resolution of this problem that entirely satisfies the demands of the principle of separation of powers. This Court has previously held that individual litigants have standing to represent the public interest, despite their lack of economic or other personal interests, if Congress has appropriately authorized such suits. See especially Oklahoma v. Civil Service Comm’n, 330 U. S. 127, 137-139. Compare Perkins v. Lukem Steel Co., 310 U. S. 113, 125-127. I would adhere to that principle.21 Any hazards to the *132proper allocation of authority among the three branches of the Government would be substantially diminished if public actions had been pertinently authorized by Congress and the President. I appreciate that this Court does not ordinarily await the mandate of other branches of the Government, but it seems to me that the extraordinary character of public actions, and of the mischievous, if not dangerous, consequences they involve for the proper functioning of our constitutional system, and in particular of the federal courts, makes such judicial forbearance the part of wisdom.22 It must be emphasized *133that the implications of these questions of judicial policy are of fundamental significance for the other branches of the Federal Government.
Such a rule could readily be applied to this case. Although various efforts have been made in Congress to authorize public actions to contest the validity of federal expenditures in aid of religiously affiliated schools and other institutions, no such authorization has yet been given.23
This- does not mean that we would, under such a rule, be enabled to avoid our constitutional responsibilities, or that we would confine to limbo the First Amendment or any other constitutional command. The question here is not, despite the Court’s unarticulated premise, whether the religious clauses of the First Amendment are hereafter to be enforced by the federal courts; the issue is simply whether plaintiffs of an additional category, heretofore excluded from those courts, are to be permitted to maintain suits. The recent history of this Court is replete with illustrations, including even one announced today (supra, at n. 12), that questions involving the religious clauses will not, if federal taxpayers are prevented from contesting federal expenditures, be left “unacknowledged, unresolved, and undecided.”
Accordingly, for the reasons contained in this opinion, I would affirm the judgment, of the District Court.
See, e. g., Davis, Standing to Challenge Governmental Action, 39 Minn. L. Rev. 353; L. Jaffe, Judicial Control of Administrative Action 483-495 (1965).
In particular, I agree, essentially for the reasons stated by the Court, that we do not lack jurisdiction under 28 U. S. C. § 1253 to consider the judgment of the three-judge District Court.
I put aside, for the moment, the suggestion that a taxpayer’s rights under the Establishment Clause are more “personal” than they are under any other constitutional provision.
See generally Comment, Taxpayers’ Suits: A Survey and Summary, 69 Yale L. J. 895, 905-906.
The phrase is Professor Jaffe’s, adopted, of course, from W. Hoh-feld, Fundamental Legal Conceptions (1923). I have heTe employed the phrases “Hohfeldian” and “non-Hohfeldian” plaintiffs to mark the distinction between the personal and proprietary interests of the traditional plaintiff, and the representative and public interests of the plaintiff in a public action. I am aware that we are confronted here by a spectrum of interests of varying intensities, but the distinction is sufficiently accurate, and convenient, to warrant its use at least for purposes of discussion.
Cf. Associated Industries v. Ickes, 134 F. 2d 694, 704; Reade v. Ewing, 205 F. 2d 630, 632.
L. Jaffe, Judicial Control of Administrative Action 483 (1965).
1 agree that implicit in this question is the belief that the federal courts may decline to accept for adjudication cases or questions that, although otherwise within the perimeter of their constitutional jurisdiction, are appropriately thought to be unsuitable at *121least for immediate judicial resolution. Compare Ashwander v. Tennessee Valley Authority, 297 U. S. 288, 345-348 (concurring opinion); H. Wechsler, Principles, Politics, and Fundamental Law 9-15 (1961); and Bickel, Foreword: The Passive Virtues, The Supreme Court, 1960 Term, 75 Harv. L. Rev. 40, 45-47 (1961).
I must note at the outset that I cannot determine with any certainty the Court’s intentions with regard to this first criterion. Its use of Doremus v. Board of Education, 342 U. S. 429, as an analogue perhaps suggests that it intends to exclude only those cases in which there are virtually no public expenditures. See, e. g., Howard v. City of Boulder, 132 Colo. 401, 290 P. 2d 237. On the other hand, the Court also emphasizes that the contested programs may not be “essentially regulatory” programs, and that the statute challenged here “involves a substantial expenditure of federal tax funds.” Ante, at 102, 103 (emphasis added). Presumably this means that the Court’s standing doctrine also excludes any program in which the expenditures are “insubstantial” or which cannot be characterized as a "spending” program.
I am aware that the attack upon the second program would presumably be premised, at least in large part, upon the Free Exercise Clause, and that the Court does not today hold that that clause is within its standing doctrine. I cannot, however, see any meaningful distinction for these purposes, even under the Court’s reasoning, between the two religious clauses.
It should be emphasized that the Court finds it unnecessary to examine the history of the Due Process Clause to determine whether it was intended as a “specific limitation” upon Congress’ spending and taxing powers. Nor does the Court pause to examine the purposes of the Tenth Amendment, another of the premises of the constitutional claims in Frothingham. But see Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat. 1, 199; Veazie Bank v. Fenno, 8 Wall. 533, 541; United States v. Butler, 297 U. S. 1. And compare Everson v. Board of Education, 330 U. S. 1, 6.
The Court does make one reference to the availability vel non of other plaintiffs. It indicates that where a federal statute is directed at a specified class, “the proper party emphasis in the federal standing doctrine would require that standing be limited to the taxpayers within the affected class.” Ante, at 104, n. 25. Assuming arguendo the existence of such a federal “best-plaintiff” rule, it is difficult to see why this rule would not altogether exclude taxpayers as plaintiffs under the Establishment Clause, since there plainly may be litigants under the Clause with the personal rights and interests of Hohfeldian plaintiffs. See, e. g., Board of Education v. Allen, decided today, post, p. 236.
See, in particular, M. Howe, The Garden and the Wilderness 1-31 (1965); C. Antieau, A. Downey & E. Roberts, Freedom from Federal Establishment (1964). Not all members of the Court have of course ignored the complexities of the clause’s history. See especially McCollum v. Board of Education, 333 U. S. 203, 238 (dissenting opinion of Reed, J.).
Antieau, Downey & Roberts, supra, at 142. See also Howe, supra, at 10-12.
See, in particular, Antieau, Downey & Roberts, supra, at 126-128, 144-146, 207-208. And see 1 Annals of Cong. 730-731. It has elsewhere been observed, I think properly, that “to treat [Madison’s Remonstrance] as authoritatively incorporated in the Hirst Amendment is to take grotesque liberties with the simple legislative process, and even more with the complex and diffuse process of ratification of an Amendment by three-fourths of the states.” Brown, Quis Custodiet Ipsos Custodes? — The School-Prayer Cases, 1963 Sup. Ct. Rev. 1, 8.
I will of course grant that claims under, for example, the Tenth Amendment may present “generalized grievances about the conduct of government or the allocation of power in the Federal System.” Ante, at 106. I will also grant that it would be well if *127such questions could be avoided by the federal courts. Unfortunately, I cannot see how these considerations are relevant under the Court’s principal criterion, which I understand to be merely whether any given constitutional provision is, or is not, a limitation upon Congress’ spending powers. It is difficult to see what there is in the fact that a constitutional provision is held to be such a limitation that could sensibly give the Court “confidence” about the fashion in which a given plaintiff will present a given issue.
The bill was intended to establish “a provision for teachers of the Christian religion.” It and the Memorial and Remonstrance are reprinted in Everson v. Board of Education, supra, at 63-74.
1 have equal difficulty with the argument that the religious clauses of the First Amendment creaté a “personal constitutional right,” held by all citizens, such that any citizen may, under those clauses, contest the constitutionality of federal expenditures. The essence of the argument would presumably be that freedom from establishment is a right that inheres in every citizen, thus any citizen should be permitted to challenge any measure that conceivably involves establishment. Certain provisions of the Constitution, so the argument would run, create the basic structure of our society and of its government, and accordingly should be enforceable at the demand of every individual. Unlike the position taken today by the Court, such a doctrine of standing would at least be internally consistent, but it would also threaten the proper functioning both of the federal courts and of the principle of separation of powers. The Establishment Clause is, after all, only one of many provisions of the Constitution that might be characterized in this fashion. Certain of these provisions, e. g., the Ninth and Tenth Amendments, would _ provide the basis for cases that, absent a standing question, could not readily be excluded from the federal courts as involving political questions, or as otherwise unsuitable for adjudication under the principles formulated for these purposes by the Court. Compare United Public Workers v. Mitchell, 330 U. S. 75, 94-96; Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U. S. 479. Indeed, it might even be urged that the Ninth and Tenth Amendments, since they are largely confirmatory of rights created elsewhere in the Constitution, were intended to declare the standing of individual citizens to contest the validity of governmental activities. It may, of course, also be argued that these amendments are merely “tub[s] for the whale,” 1 W. Crosskey, Politics and the Constitution 688 (1953); but lacking such an argument, any doctrine of standing premised upon the generality or relative importance of a constitutional command would, I think, very substantially increase the number of sitúa-*130tions in which individual citizens could present for adjudication “generalized grievances about the conduct of government.” I take it that the Court, apart from my Brother Douglas, and I are agreed that any such consequence would be exceedingly undesirable.
See 1 M. Farrand, The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, at 21, 97-98, 108-110, 138-140 (1911); 2 Farrand, id., at 73-80.
The Federalist No. 80 (Hamilton).
My premise is, as I have suggested, that non-Hohfeldian plaintiffs as such are not excluded by Article III from the jurisdiction of the federal courts. The problem is therefore to determine in what situations their suits should be permitted, and not whether a “statute constitutionally could authorize a person who shows no ease or controversy to call on the courts ...” Scripps-Howard Radio v. Comm’n, 316 U. S. 4, 21 (dissenting opinion). I do not, of course, suggest that Congress’ power to authorize suits by *132specified classes of litigants is without constitutional limitation. This Court has recognized a panoply of restrictions upon the actions that may properly be brought in federal courts, or reviewed by this Court after decision in state courts. It is enough now to emphasize that I would not abrogate these restrictions in situations in which Congress has authorized a suit. The difficult case of Muskrat v. United States, 219 U. S. 346, does not require more. Whatever the other implications of that case, it is enough to note that there the United States, as statutory defendant, evidently had “no interest adverse to the claimants.” Id., at 361.
1 am aware that there is a second category of cases in which the Court has entertained claims by non-Hohfeldian plaintiffs: suits brought by state or local taxpayers in state courts to vindicate federal constitutional claims. A certain anomaly may be thought to have resulted from the Court’s consideration of such cases while it has refused similar suits brought by federal taxpayers in the federal courts. This anomaly, if such it is, will presumably continue even under the standing doctrine announced today, since we are not told that the standing rules will hereafter be identical for the two classes of taxpayers. Although these questions are not now before the Court, I think it appropriate to note that one possible solution would be to hold that standing to raise federal questions is itself a federal question. See Freund, in E. Cahn, Supreme Court and Supreme Law 35 (1954). This would demand partial reconsideration of, for example, Doremus v. Board of Education, 342 U. S. 429. Cf. United States v. Raines, 362 U. S. 17, 23, n. 3; Cramp v. Board of Public Instruction, 368 U. S. 278, 282; Baker v. Carr, 369 U. S. 186, 204.
This- question was, however, extensively discussed in the course of the debates upon the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, 79 Stat. 27. See, e. g., Ill Cong. Ree. 5973, 6132, 7316-7318.