with whom Justice Rehnquist joins, dissenting.
The NCAA is an unincorporated, nonprofit, educational association whose membership includes almost 800 nonprofit public and private colleges and universities and more than *121100 nonprofit athletic conferences and other organizations. Formed in 1905 in response to a public outcry concerning abuses in intercollegiate athletics, the NCAA, through its annual convention, establishes policies and rules governing its members’ participation in college sports, conducts national championships, exerts control over some of the economic aspects of revenue-producing sports, and engages in some more-or-less commercial activities. See Note, Tackling Intercollegiate Athletics: An Antitrust Analysis, 87 Yale L. J. 655, 656-657 (1978). Although some of the NCAA’s activities, viewed in isolation, bear a resemblance to those undertaken by professional sports leagues and associations, the Court errs in treating intercollegiate athletics under the NCAA’s control as a purely commercial venture in which colleges and universities participate solely, or even primarily, in the pursuit of profits. Accordingly, I dissent.
I-H
“While it would be fanciful to suggest that colleges are not concerned about the profitability of their ventures, it is clear that other, non-commercial goals play a central role in their sports programs.” J. Weistart & C. Lowell, The Law of Sports § 5.12 (1979). The NCAA’s member institutions have designed their competitive athletic programs “to be a vital part of the educational system.” Constitution and Interpretations of the NCAA, Art. II, § 2(a) (1982-1983), reprinted in App. 216. Deviations from this goal, produced by a persistent and perhaps inevitable desire to “win at all costs,” have in the past led, and continue to lead, to a wide range of competitive excesses that prove harmful to students and institutions alike. See G. Hanford, Report to the American Council on Education, An Inquiry into the Need for and Feasibility of a National Study of Intercollegiate Athletics 74-76 (1974) (Hanford); Marco, The Place of Intercollegiate Athletics in Higher Education: The Responsibility of the Faculty, 31 J. Higher Educ. 422, 426 (1968). The fundamental policy *122underlying the NCAA’s regulatory program, therefore, is to minimize such deviations and “to maintain intercollegiate athletics as an integral part of the educational program and the athlete as an integral part of the student body and, by so doing, retain a clear line of demarcation between college athletics and professional sports.” Constitution and Interpretations of the NCAA, Art. II, §2(a), reprinted in App. 216. See 546 F. Supp. 1276, 1309 (WD Okla.1982).
The NCAA, in short, “exist[s] primarily to enhance the contribution made by amateur athletic competition to the process of higher education as distinguished from realizing maximum return on it as an entertainment commodity.” Association for Intercollegiate Athletics for Women v. NCAA, 558 F. Supp. 487, 494 (DC 1983), aff’d, 236 U. S. App. D. C. 311, 735 F. 2d 577 (1984). In pursuing this goal, the organization and its members seek to provide a public good — a viable system of amateur athletics — that most likely could not be provided in a perfectly competitive market. See Hennessey v. NCAA, 564 F. 2d 1136, 1153 (CA5 1977). “Without regulation, the desire of member institutions to remain athletically competitive would lead, them to engage in activities that deny amateurism to the public. No single institution could confidently enforce its own standards since it could not trust its competitors to do the same.” Note, Antitrust and Nonprofit Entities, 94 Harv. L. Rev. 802, 817-818 (1981). The history of intercollegiate athletics prior to the advent of the NCAA provides ample support for this conclusion. By mitigating what appears to be a clear failure of the free market to serve the ends and goals of higher education, the NCAA ensures the continued availability of a unique and valuable product, the very existence of which might well be threatened by unbridled competition in the economic sphere.
In pursuit of its fundamental goal and others related to it, the NCAA imposes numerous controls on intercollegiate athletic competition among its members, many of which “are similar to those which are summarily condemned when *123undertaken in a more traditional business setting.” • Weistart & Lowell, supra, §5.12.b. Thus, the NCAA has promulgated and enforced rules limiting both the compensation of student-athletes, see, e. g., Justice v. NCAA, 577 F. Supp. 356 (Ariz. 1983), and the number of coaches a school may hire for its football and basketball programs, see, e. g., Hennessey v. NCAA, supra; it also has prohibited athletes who formerly have been compensated for playing from participating in intercollegiate competition, see, e. g., Jones v. NCAA, 392 F. Supp. 295 (Mass. 1975), restricted the number of athletic scholarships its members may award, and established minimum academic standards for recipients of those scholarships; and it has pervasively regulated the recruitment process, student eligibility, practice schedules, squad size, the number of games played, and many other aspects of intercollegiate athletics. See 707 F. 2d 1147, 1153 (CA10 1983); 546 F. Supp., at 1309. One clear effect of most, if not all, of these regulations is to prevent institutions with competitively and economically successful programs from taking advantage of their success by expanding their programs, improving the quality of the product they offer, and increasing their sports revenues. Yet each of these regulations represents a desirable and legitimate attempt “to keep university athletics from becoming professionalized to the extent that profit making objectives would overshadow educational objectives.” Kupec v. Atlantic Coast Conference, 399 F. Supp. 1377, 1380 (MDNC 1975). Significantly, neither the Court of Appeals nor this Court questions the validity of these regulations under the Rule of Reason. See ante, at 100-102, 117; 707 F. 2d, at 1153.
Notwithstanding the contrary conclusion of the District Court, 546 F. Supp., at 1316, and the majority, ante, at 117,1 do not believe that the restraint under consideration in this case — the NCAA’s television plan — differs fundamentally for antitrust purposes from the other seemingly anticompet-itive aspects of the organization’s broader program of self-*124regulation. The television plan, like many of the NCAA’s actions, furthers several complementary ends. Specifically, the plan is designed
“to reduce, insofar as possible, the adverse effects of live television . . . upon football game attendance and, in turn, upon the athletic and related educational programs dependent upon the proceeds therefrom; to spread football television participation among as many colleges as practicable; to reflect properly the image of universities as educational institutions; to promote college football through the use of television, to advance the overall interests of intercollegiate athletics, and to provide college football television to the public to the extent compatible with these other objectives.” App. 35.
See also id., at 244, 323, 640, 651, 672. More generally, in my view, the television plan reflects the NCAA’s fundamental policy of preserving amateurism and integrating athletics and education. Nor does the District Court’s finding that the plan is intended to maximize television revenues, 546 F. Supp., at 1288-1289, 1315-1316, warrant any implication that the NCAA and its member institutions pursue this goal without regard to the organization’s stated policies.
Before addressing the infirmities in the Court’s opinion, I should state my understanding of what the Court holds. To do so, it is necessary first to restate the essentials of the NCAA’s television plan and to refer to the course of this case in the lower courts. Under the plan at issue, 4-year contracts were entered into with the American Broadcasting Cos. (ABC), Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS), and Turner Broadcasting System (Turner) after competitive bidding. Every fall, ABC and CBS were to present 14 exposures of college football and Turner would show 19 evening games. The overall price for each network was stated in the contracts. The networks select the games to be telecast and pay directly to the colleges involved what has developed to be *125a uniform fee for each game telecast. Unless within one of the exceptions, only the designated number of games may be broadcast, and no NCAA member may arrange for televising its games other than pursuant to the plan. Under this scheme, of course, NCAA members must compete against one another for television appearances, although this competition is limited somewhat by the fact that no college may appear on television more than six times in any 2-year period. In 1983, 242 games were televised, 89 network games and 153 under the exceptions provided in the television plan. In 1983, 173 schools appeared on television, 89 on network games and an additional 84 teams under the exceptions. Report of the 1983 NCAA Football Television Committee to the 78th Annual Convention of the NCAA 61-65 (1984).1
The District Court held that the plan constituted price fixing and output limitation illegal per se under § 1 of the Sherman Act; it also held that the scheme was an illegal group boycott, was monopolization forbidden by § 2, and was in any event an unreasonable restraint of trade. It then entered an injunction that for all practical purposes excluded the NCAA from interfering with or regulating its members’ arrangements for televising their football games. The Court of Appeals, while disagreeing with the boycott and monopolization holdings, otherwise upheld the District Court’s judgment that the television plan violated the Sherman Act, focusing almost entirely on the price-fixing and output-limiting aspects of the television plan. The Court of Appeals, however, differed with the District Court with respect to the injunction. After noting that the injunction vested exclusive control of television rights in the individual schools, the court stated that, “[w]hile we hold that the NCAA cannot *126lawfully maintain exclusive control of the rights, how far such rights may be commonly regulated involves speculation that should not be made on the record of the instant case.” 707 F. 2d, at 1162. The court expressly stated, for example, that the NCAA could prevent its members from telecasting games on Friday night in competition with high school games, ibid., emphasized that the disparity in revenue between schools could be reduced by “[a] properly drawn system of pass-over payments to ensure adequate athletic funding for schools that do not earn substantial television revenues,” id., at 1159, and indicated that it was not outlawing “membership-wide contracts] with opt-out and pass-over payment provisions, or blackout rules.” Id., at 1162. It nevertheless left the District Court’s injunction in full force and remanded the case for further proceedings in light of its opinion. Anticipating that the Court would grant certiorari, I stayed the judgment of the Court of Appeals. 463 U. S. 1311 (1983).
In affirming the Court of Appeals, the Court first holds that the television plan has sufficient redeeming virtues to escape condemnation as a per se violation of the Sherman Act, this because of the inherent characteristics of competitive athletics and the justifiable role of the NCAA in regulating college athletics. It nevertheless affirms the Court of Appeals’ judgment that the NCAA plan is an unreasonable restraint of trade because of what it deems to be the plan’s price-fixing and output-limiting aspects. As I shall explain, in reaching this result, the Court traps itself in commercial antitrust rhetoric and ideology and ignores the context in which the restraints have been imposed. But it is essential at this point to emphasize that neither the Court of Appeals nor this Court purports to hold that the NCAA may not (1) require its members who televise their games to pool and share the compensation received among themselves, with other schools, and with the NCAA; (2) limit the number of times any member may arrange to have its games shown on *127television; or (3) enforce reasonable blackout rules to avoid head-to-head competition for television audiences. As I shall demonstrate, the Court wisely and correctly does not condemn such regulations. What the Court does affirm is the Court of Appeals’ judgment that the NCAA may not limit the number of games that are broadcast on television and that it may not contract for an overall price that has the effect of setting the price for individual game broadcast rights.2 I disagree with the Court in these respects.
II
“In a competitive market,” the District Court observed, “each football-playing institution would be an independent seller of the right to telecast its football games. Each seller would be free to sell that right to any entity it chose,” and “for whatever price it could get.” 546 F. Supp., at 1318. Under the NCAA’s television plan, member institutions’ competitive freedom is restrained because, for the most part, television rights are bought and sold, not on a per-game basis, but as a package deal. With limited exceptions not particularly relevant to antitrust scrutiny of the plan, broadcasters wishing to televise college football must be willing and able to purchase a package of television rights without knowing in advance the particular games to which those rights apply. The real negotiations over price and terms take place between the broadcasters and the NCAA rather *128than between the broadcasters and individual schools. Knowing that some games will be worth more to them than others, the networks undoubtedly exercise whatever bargaining power they possess to ensure that the minimum aggregate compensation they agree to provide for the package bears some relation to the average value to them of the games they anticipate televising. Because some schools’ games contribute disproportionately to the total value of the package, see id., at 1293, the manner in which the minimum aggregate compensation is distributed among schools whose games are televised has given rise to a situation under which less prominent schools receive more in rights fees than they would receive in a competitive market and football powers like respondents receive less. Id., at 1315.
As I have said, the Court does not hold, nor did the Court of Appeals hold, that this redistributive effect alone would be sufficient to subject the television plan to condemnation under § 1 of the Sherman Act. Nor should it, for an agreement to share football revenues to a certain extent is an essential aspect of maintaining some balance of strength among competing colleges and of minimizing the tendency to professionalism in the dominant schools. Sharing with the NCAA itself is also a price legitimately exacted in exchange for the numerous benefits of membership in the NCAA, including its many-faceted efforts to maintain a system of competitive, amateur athletics. For the same reasons, limiting the number of television appearances by any college is an essential attribute of a balanced amateur athletic system. Even with shared television revenues, unlimited appearances by a few schools would inevitably give them an insuperable advantage over all others and in the end defeat any efforts to maintain a system of athletic competition among amateurs who measure up to college scholastic requirements.
The Court relies instead primarily on the District Court’s findings that (1) the television plan restricts output; and (2) the plan creates a noncompetitive price structure that is unresponsive to viewer demand. Ante, at 104-106. See, *129e. g., 546 F. Supp., at 1318-1319. These findings notwithstanding, I am unconvinced that the television plan has a substantial anticompetitive effect.
First, it is not clear to me that the District Court employed the proper measure of output. I am not prepared to say that the District Court’s finding that “many more college football games would be televised” in the absence of the NCAA controls, id., at 1294, is clearly erroneous. To the extent that output is measured solely in terms of the number of televised games, I need not deny that it is reduced by the NCAA’s television plan. But this measure of output is not the proper one. The District Court found that eliminating the plan would reduce the number of games on network television and increase the number of games shown locally and regionally. Id., at 1307. It made no finding concerning the effect of the plan on total viewership, which is the more appropriate measure of output or, at least, of the claimed anticompetitive effects of the NCAA plan. This is the NCAA’s position, and it seems likely to me that the television plan, by increasing network coverage at the expense of local broadcasts, actually expands the total television audience for NCAA football. The NCAA would surely be an irrational “profit maximizer” if this were not the case. In the absence of a contrary finding by the District Court, I cannot conclude that respondents carried their burden of showing that the television plan has an adverse effect on output and is therefore anticompetitive.
Second, and even more important, I am unconvinced that respondents have proved that any reduction in the number of televised college football games brought about by the NCAA’s television plan has resulted in an anticompetitive increase in the price of television rights. The District Court found, of course, that “the networks are actually paying the large fees because the NCAA agrees to limit production. If the NCAA would not agree to limit production, the networks would not pay so large a fee.” Id., at 1294. Undoubtedly, this is true. But the market for television rights to college football competitions should not be equated to the markets *130for wheat or widgets. Reductions in output by monopolists in most product markets enable producers to exact a higher price for the same product. By restricting the number of games that can be televised, however, the NCAA creates a new product — exclusive television rights — that are more valuable to networks than the products that its individual members could market independently.
The television plan makes a certain number of games available for purchase by television networks and limits the incidence of head-to-head competition between football telecasts for the available viewers. Because competition is limited, the purchasing network can count on a larger share of the audience, which translates into greater advertising revenues and, accordingly, into larger payments per game to the televised teams. There is thus a relationship between the size of the rights payments and the value of the product being purchased by the networks; a network purchasing a series of games under the plan is willing to pay more than would one purchasing the same games in the absence of the plan since the plan enables the network to deliver a larger share of the available audience to advertisers and thus to increase its own revenues. In short, by focusing only on the price paid by the networks for television rights rather than on the nature and quality of the product delivered by the NCAA and its member institutions, the District Court, and this Court as well, may well have deemed anticompetitive a rise in price that more properly should be attributed to an increase in output, measured in terms of viewership.
Third, the District Court’s emphasis on the prices paid for particular games seems misdirected and erroneous as a matter of law. The distribution of the minimum aggregate fees among participants in the television plan is, of course, not’ wholly based on a competitive price structure that is responsive to viewer demand and is only partially related to the value those schools contribute to the total package the networks agree to buy. But as I have already indicated, see *131supra, at 128, this “redistribution” of total television revenues is a wholly justifiable, even necessary, aspect of maintaining a system of truly competitive college teams. As long as the NCAA cannot artificially fix the price of the entire package and demand supercompetitive prices, this aspect of the plan should be of little concern.' And I find little, if anything, in the record to support the notion that the NCAA has power to extract from the television networks more than the broadcasting rights are worth in the marketplace.
Ill
Even if I were convinced that the District Court did not err in failing to look to total viewership, as opposed to the number of televised games, when measuring output and anti-competitive effect and in failing fully to consider whether the NCAA possesses power to fix the package price, as opposed to the distribution of that package price among participating teams, I would nevertheless hold that the television plan passes muster under the Rule of Reason. The NCAA argues strenuously that the plan and the network contracts “are part of a joint venture among many of the nation’s universities to create a product—high-quality college football— and offer that product in a way attractive to both fans in the stadiums and viewers on [television]. The cooperation in producing the product makes it more competitive against other [television] (and live) attractions.” Brief for Petitioner 15. The Court recognizes that, “[i]f the NCAA faced ‘interbrand’ competition from available substitutes, then certain forms of collective action might be appropriate in order to enhance its ability to compete.” Ante, at 115, n. 55. See Continental T. V., Inc. v. GTE Sylvania Inc., 433 U. S. 36, 54-57 (1977). It rejects the NCAA’s proffered pro-competitive justification, however, on the ground that college football is a unique product for which there are no available substitutes and “there is no need for collective action in *132order to enable the product to compete against its nonexistent competitors.” Ante, at 115 (footnote omitted). This proposition is singularly unpersuasive.
It is one thing to say that “NCAA football is a unique product,” 546 P. Supp., at 1299, that “intercollegiate football telecasts generate an audience uniquely attractive to advertisers and that competitors are unable to offer programming that can attract a similar audience.” Ante, at 111 (footnote omitted). See 707 F. 2d, at 1158-1159; 546 F. Supp., at 1298-1300. It is quite another, in my view, to say that maintenance or enhancement of the quality of NCAA football telecasts is unnecessary to enable those telecasts to compete effectively against other forms of entertainment. The NCAA has no monopoly power when competing against other types of entertainment. Should the quality of the NCAA’s product “deteriorate to any perceptible degree or should the cost of ‘using’ its product rise, some fans undoubtedly would turn to another form of entertainment.... Because of the broad possibilities for alternative forms of entertainment,” the NCAA “properly belongs in the broader ‘entertainment’ market rather than in . . . [a] narrower marke[t]” like sports or football. Grauer, Recognition of the National Football League as a Single Entity Under Section 1 of the Sherman Act: Implications of the Consumer Welfare Model, 82 Mich. L. Rev. 1, 34, n. 156 (1983). See National Football League v. North American Soccer League, 459 U. S. 1074, 1077 (1982) (Rehnquist, J., dissenting from the denial of certio-rari); R. Atwell, B. Grimes, & D. Lopiano, The Money Game 32-33 (1980); Hanford, at 67; J. Michener, Sports in America 208-209 (1976); Note, 87 Yale L. J., at 661, and n. 31.
The NCAA has suggested a number of plausible ways in which its television plan might enhance the ability of college football telecasts to compete against other forms of entertainment. Brief for Petitioner 22-25. Although the District Court did conclude that the plan is “not necessary for effective marketing of the product,” 546 F. Supp., at 1307, its *133finding was directed only at the question whether college football telecasts would continue in the absence of the plan. It made no explicit findings concerning the effect of the plan on viewership and thus did not reject the factual premise of the NCAA’s argument that the plan might enhance competition by increasing the market penetration of NCAA football. See also 707 F. 2d, at 1154-1156, 1160. The District Court’s finding that network coverage of NCAA football would likely decrease if the plan were struck down, 546 F. Supp., at 1307, in fact, strongly suggests the validity of the NCAA’s position. On the record now before the Court, therefore, I am not prepared to conclude that the restraints imposed by the NCAA’s television plan are “such as may suppress or even destroy competition” rather than “such as merely regulat[e] and perhaps thereby promot[e] competition.” Chicago Board of Trade v. United States, 246 U. S. 231, 238 (1918).
<1
Finally, I return to the point with which I began — the essentially noneconomic nature of the NCAA’s program of self-regulation. Like Judge Barrett, who dissented in the Court of Appeals, I believe that the lower courts “erred by subjugating the NCAA’s educational goals (and, incidentally, those which Oklahoma and Georgia insist must be maintained in any event) to the purely competitive commercialism of [an] ‘every school for itself’ approach to television contract bargaining.” 707 F. 2d, at 1168. Although the NCAA does not enjoy blanket immunity from the antitrust laws, cf. Goldfarb v. Virginia State Bar, 421 U. S. 773 (1975), it is important to remember that the Sherman Act “is aimed primarily at combinations having commercial objectives and is applied only to a very limited extent to organizations . . . which normally have other objectives.” Klor’s, Inc. v. Broadway-Hale Stores, Inc., 359 U. S. 207, 213, n. 7 (1959).
The fact that a restraint operates on nonprofit educational institutions as distinguished from business entities is as “rele*134vant in determining whether that particular restraint violates the Sherman Act” as is the fact that a restraint affects a profession rather than a business. Goldfarb v. Virginia State Bar, supra, at 788, n. 17. Cf. Community Communications Co. v. Boulder, 455 U. S. 40, 56, n. 20 (1982). The legitimate noneconomic goals of colleges and universities should not be ignored in analyzing restraints imposed by associations of such institutions on their members, and these noneconomic goals “may require that a particular practice, which could properly be viewed as a violation of the Sherman Act in another context, be treated differently.” Goldfarb v. Virginia State Bar, supra, at 788, n. 17. The Court of Appeals, like the District Court, flatly refused to consider what it termed “noneconomic” justifications advanced by the NCAA in support of the television plan. It was of the view that our decision in National Society of Professional Engineers v. United States, 435 U. S. 679 (1978), precludes reliance on noneconomic factors in assessing the reasonableness of the television plan. 707 F. 2d, at 1154; see Tr. of Oral Arg. 24-25. This view was mistaken, and I note that the Court does not in so many words repeat this error.
Professional Engineers did make clear that antitrust analysis usually turns on “competitive conditions” and “economic conceptions.” 435 U. S., at 690, and n. 16. Ordinarily, “the inquiry mandated by the Rule of Reason is whether the challenged agreement is one that promotes competition or one that suppresses competition.” Id., at 691. The purpose of antitrust analysis, the Court emphasized, “is to form a judgment about the competitive significance of the restraint; it is not to decide whether a policy favoring competition is in the public interest, or in the interest of the members of an industry.” Id., at 692. Broadly read, these statements suggest that noneconomic values like the promotion of amateurism and fundamental educational objectives could not save the television plan from condemnation under the Sherman Act. *135But these statements were made in response to “public interest” justifications proffered in defense of a ban on competitive bidding imposed by practitioners engaged in standard, profit-motivated commercial activities. The primarily non-economic values pursued by educational institutions differ fundamentally from the “overriding commercial purpose of [the] day-to-day activities” of engineers, lawyers, doctors, and businessmen, Gulland, Byrne, & Steinbach, Intercollegiate Athletics and Television Contracts: Beyond Economic Justifications in Antitrust Analysis of Agreements Among Colleges, 52 Ford. L. Rev. 717, 728 (1984), and neither Professional Engineers nor any other decision of this Court suggests that associations of nonprofit educational institutions must defend their self-regulatory restraints solely in terms of their competitive impact, without regard for the legitimate noneconomic values they promote.
When these values are factored into the balance, the NCAA’s television plan seems eminently reasonable. Most fundamentally, the plan fosters the goal of amateurism by spreading revenues among various schools and reducing the financial incentives toward professionalism. As the Court observes, the NCAA imposes a variety of restrictions perhaps better suited than the television plan for the preservation of amateurism. Ante, at 119. Although the NCAA does attempt vigorously to enforce these restrictions, the vast potential for abuse suggests that measures, like the television plan, designed to limit the rewards of professionalism are fully consistent with, and essential to the attainment of, the NCAA’s objectives. In short, “[t]he restraints upon Oklahoma and Georgia and other colleges and universities with excellent football programs insure that they confine those programs within the principles of amateurism so that intercollegiate athletics supplement, rather than inhibit, educational achievement.” 707 F. 2d, at 1167 (Barrett, J., dissenting). The collateral consequences of the spreading of *136regional and national appearances among a number of schools are many: the television plan, like the ban on compensating student-athletes, may well encourage students to choose their schools, at least in part, on the basis of educational quality by reducing the perceived economic element of the choice, see Note, 87 Yale L. J., at 676, n. 106; it helps ensure the economic viability of athletic programs at a wide variety of schools with weaker football teams; and it “promot[es] competitive football among many and varied amateur teams nationwide.” Gulland, Byrne, & Steinbach, supra, at 722 (footnote omitted). These important contributions, I believe, are sufficient to offset any minimal anticompetitive effects of the television plan.
For all of these reasons, I would reverse the judgment of the Court of Appeals. At the very least, the Court of Appeals should be directed to vacate the injunction of the District Court pending the further proceedings that will be necessary to amend the outstanding injunction to accommodate the substantial remaining authority of the NCAA to regulate the telecasting of its members’ football games.
Television plans with similar features have been in place since 1951. The 1951-1953 plans were submitted to the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice for review. The Department took the matter “under study,” App. 284-285, and, until this litigation, has apparently never taken the position that the NCAA’s television plans were unlawful.
This litigation was triggered by the NCAA’s response to an attempt by the College Football Association (CFA), an organization of the more dominant football-playing schools and conferences, to develop an independent television plan. To the extent that its plan contains features similar to those condemned as anticompetitive by the Court, the CFA may well have antitrust problems of its own. To the extent that they desire continued membership in the NCAA, moreover, participation in a television plan developed by the CFA will not exempt football powers like respondents from the many kinds of NCAA controls over television appearances that the Court does not purport to invalidate.