with whom The Chief Justice joins, dissenting.
All government displays an enduring tendency to silence, or to facilitate silencing, those voices that it disapproves. In the case of the Judicial Branch of Government, the principal restraint upon that tendency, as upon other judicial error, is the requirement that judges write opinions providing logical reasons for treating one situation differently from another. I dissent from today’s decision because it provides no rational basis for distinguishing the subsidy scheme here under challenge from many others that are common and unquestionably lawful. It thereby introduces into First Amendment law an element of arbitrariness that ultimately erodes rather than fosters the important freedoms at issue.
The Court’s opinion does not dispute, and I think it evident, that the tax exemption in this case has a rational basis sufficient to sustain the tax scheme against ordinary equal protection attack, see, e. g., Massachusetts Board of Retirement v. Murgia, 427 U. S. 307, 312 (1976) (per curiam). Though assuredly not “narrowly tailored,” it is reasonably related to the legitimate goals of encouraging small publishers with limited audiences and advertising revenues (a category which in the State’s judgment includes most publishers of religious, professional, trade, and sports magazines) and of *236avoiding the collection of taxes where administrative cost exceeds tax proceeds. See Brief for Appellee 15-16. The exemption is found invalid, however, because it does not pass the “strict scrutiny” test applicable to discriminatory restriction or prohibition of speech, namely, that it be “necessary to serve a compelling state interest and . . . narrowly drawn to achieve that end.” Ante, at 231; cf. Police Department of Chicago v. Mosley, 408 U. S. 92, 101 (1972) (discriminatory ban on picketing); Carey v. Brown, 447 U. S. 455, 461-462 (1980) (same).
Here, as in the Court’s earlier decision in Minneapolis Star & Tribune Co. v. Minnesota Comm’r of Revenue, 460 U. S. 575 (1983), application of the “strict scrutiny” test rests upon the premise that for First Amendment purposes denial of exemption from taxation is equivalent to regulation. That premise is demonstrably erroneous and cannot be consistently applied. Our opinions have long recognized — in First Amendment contexts as elsewhere — the reality that tax exemptions, credits, and deductions are “a form of subsidy that is administered through the tax system,” and the general rule that “a legislature’s decision not to subsidize the exercise of a fundamental right does not infringe the right, and thus is not subject to strict scrutiny.” Regan v. Taxation With Representation of Washington, 461 U. S. 540, 544, 549 (1983) (upholding denial of tax exemption for organization engaged in lobbying even though veterans’ organizations received exemption regardless of lobbying activities). See also Cammarano v. United States, 358 U. S. 498, 513 (1959) (deduction for lobbying activities); Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S. 1, 93-95 (1976) (declining to apply strict scrutiny to campaign finance law that excludes certain candidates); Harris v. McRae, 448 U. S. 297, 324-326 (1980) (declining to apply strict scrutiny to legislative decision not to subsidize abortions even though other medical procedures were subsidized); Maher v. Roe, 432 U. S. 464 (1977) (same).
*237The reason that denial of participation in a tax exemption or other subsidy scheme does not necessarily “infringe” a fundamental right is that — unlike direct restriction or prohibition-such a denial does not, as a general rule, have any significant coercive effect. It may, of course, be manipulated so as to do so, in which case the courts will be available to provide relief. But that is not remotely the case here. It is implausible that the 4% sales tax, generally applicable to all sales in the State with the few enumerated exceptions, was meant to inhibit, or had the effect of inhibiting, this appellant’s publication.
Perhaps a more stringent, prophylactic rule is appropriate, and can consistently be applied, when the subsidy pertains to the expression of a particular viewpoint on a matter of political concern — a tax exemption, for example, that is expressly available only to publications that take a particular point of view on a controversial issue of foreign policy. Political speech has been accorded special protection elsewhere. See, e. g., FCC v. League of Women Voters of California, 468 U. S. 364, 375-376 (1984) (invalidating ban on editorializing by recipients of grants from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, in part on ground that political speech “is entitled to the most exacting degree of First Amendment protection”); Connick v. Myers, 461 U. S. 138, 143-146 (1983) (discussing history of First Amendment protection for political speech by public employees); Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. FCC, 395 U. S. 367 (1969) (upholding FCC’s “fairness doctrine,” which imposes special obligations upon broadcasters with regard to “controversial issues of public importance”). There is no need, however, and it is realistically quite impossible, to extend to all speech the same degree of protection against exclusion from a subsidy that one might think appropriate for opposing shades of political expression.
By seeking to do so, the majority casts doubt upon a wide variety of tax preferences and subsidies that draw distinctions based upon subject matter. The United States Postal *238Service, for example, grants a special bulk rate to written material disseminated by certain nonprofit organizations — religious, educational, scientific, philanthropic, agricultural, labor, veterans’, and fraternal organizations. See Domestic Mail Manual § 623 (1986). Must this preference be justified by a “compelling governmental need” because a nonprofit organization devoted to some other purpose — dissemination of information about boxing, for example — does not receive the special rate? The Kennedy Center, which is subsidized by the Federal Government in the amount of up to $23 million per year, see 20 U. S. C. §76n(a), is authorized by statute to “present classical and contemporary music, opera, drama, dance, and poetry.” §76j. Is this subsidy subject to strict scrutiny because other kinds of expressive activity, such as learned lectures and political speeches, are excluded? Are government research grant programs or the funding activities of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, see 47 U. S. C. § 396(g)(2), subject to strict scrutiny because they provide money for the study or exposition of some subjects but not others?
Because there is no principled basis to distinguish the subsidization of speech in these areas — which we would surely uphold — from the subsidization that we strike down here, our decision today places the granting or denial of protection within our own idiosyncratic discretion. In my view, that threatens First Amendment rights infinitely more than the tax exemption at issue. I dissent.