United States Court of Appeals
For the First Circuit
No. 09-2186
GREGORIO IGARTÚA, ET AL.,
Plaintiffs, Appellants,
v.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, ET AL.,
Defendants, Appellees.
Before
Lynch, Chief Judge,
Torruella, Boudin, Lipez, Howard and Thompson,
Circuit Judges.
___________________________
ORDER OF COURT
Entered: August 4, 2011
Plaintiffs-appellants Gregorio Igartúa and other
individual citizen-residents of Puerto Rico have filed a petition
for rehearing and rehearing en banc. Intervenor Commonwealth of
Puerto Rico has filed a petition for rehearing en banc. Pursuant
to First Circuit Internal Operating Procedure X(C), the
Commonwealth's petition for rehearing en banc has also been treated
as a petition for rehearing before the original panel. The
petitions for rehearing having been denied by the panel of judges
who decided the case, and the petitions for rehearing en banc
having been submitted to the active judges of this court and a
majority of the judges not having voted that the case be heard en
banc, it is ordered that the petitions for rehearing and rehearing
en banc be denied.
LYNCH, Chief Judge, BOUDIN and HOWARD, Circuit Judges. The issues
at the heart of this case have already received en banc review, and are not
entitled to new review. Six years ago, this court did grant en
banc review in Igartúa-De La Rosa v. United States, 417 F.3d 145
(1st Cir. 2005) (en banc) (Igartúa III), because of the importance
of the issues, and that en banc decision controls the disposition
of this petition for en banc review.
Igartúa III held, after full consideration of the issue,
that the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR) is not a self-executing treaty and thus is not binding as
a matter of domestic law. Id. at 150. In light of this holding in
Igartúa III, the antecedent question of whether the Constitution
permits Congress to utilize the treaty power to extend voting
rights to U.S. citizen-residents of Puerto Rico is not properly
presented.
Our en banc decision in Igartúa III controls this case,
despite the views of our dissenting colleagues, who wish to reopen
settled issues which have already been given en banc treatment.
Not only has no intervening authority called the ICCPR holding of
Igartúa III into doubt, but the Supreme Court has expressly
-2-
ratified this aspect of the en banc decision. See Medellín v.
Texas, 128 S. Ct. 1346, 1356 (2008) (quoting Igartúa III, 417 F.3d
at 150).
We believe Igartúa III was correctly decided and no
majority of this court can, in consequence, exist for any outcome
other than affirmance of dismissal of the case. Fed. R. App. P.
35(a), which disfavors grants of petitions for en banc review, does
not allow continual en banc reviews to re-examine already settled
issues.
HOWARD, Circuit Judge, concurring in the denial of
rehearing en banc. In the main, I agree with the lead opinion for
the panel majority in this case, which concluded that the issues
are governed by our en banc decision in Igartúa de la Rosa v.
United States, 417 F.3d 145 (1st Cir. 2005).
I had dissented in the en banc case. In that case, I
would have remanded to allow the plaintiff to further develop his
claim that Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights ("ICCPR") is self-executing. I took that position
because I thought that language in the text of Article 25
suggesting the self-executing nature of that provision might well
trump the Senate's declaration that the treaty is not self-
executing. Since the issuance of the en banc decision, however,
the Supreme Court has provided further guidance in treaty
interpretation, particularly in Medellín v. Texas, 552 U.S. 491
-3-
(2008) and in Abbott v. Abbott, 130 S. Ct. 1983 (2010).
Medellín reinforced the importance of a treaty's text in
its interpretation, 522 U.S. at 506, which is helpful to an extent
but which would not be conclusive on the issue of whether the
ICCPR's use of mandatory language in Article 25 (suggesting self-
execution) or the treaty's Article 2 precatory language (suggesting
that the treaty as a whole is not self-executing) should govern.
Abbott, the more recent case, also analyzed a treaty's text, but it
ultimately relied extensively on other interpretive sources,
including the views of the Executive, the objects and purposes of
the treaty as a whole, and the practices of other party states. 130
S. Ct. 1993. After Medellín and Abbott, we cannot ignore the
consistent and strongly held views of the Executive and the Senate
that the ICCPR is not self-executing. As a result, it is not
appropriate to revisit our en banc opinion.
With respect to the issue of whether the Constitution
permits Congress to extend the franchise in Congressional elections
to the plaintiff, the panel's lead opinion plainly got this
question right. In contrast to the colorable claim that Congress
may have the power to extend the vote in Presidential elections to
such persons, see Igartúa, 417 F.3d at 184-185 (Howard, J.,
dissenting), no substantial argument supporting the existence of a
similar constitutional power with respect to Congressional
elections has been advanced in any case, including this one, or in
-4-
any scholarly literature of which I am aware.
TORRUELLA, Circuit Judge. (Concerning the denial of en
banc consideration).1 Three members of this court have voted to
deny en banc rehearing of this appeal. They take this action in
blatant disregard of the dictates of Appellate Rule 35(a)(2), which
endorses the rehearing en banc of "question[s] of exceptional
importance."2 By their vote, the opponents of en banc review are
able to block3 consideration by the full court of the
"exceptional[ly] importan[t]" constitutional questions raised by
1
Because the vote by the active judges of this court was
evenly divided, Judges Lipez, Thompson and myself favoring the
granting of en banc review, and Chief Judge Lynch and Judges Boudin
and Howard opposing such review, my disagreement with this outcome
cannot accurately be called a dissent notwithstanding that a tie
vote requires the denial of en banc review pursuant to Rule 35(a)
of the Rules of Appellate Procedure. See Fed. R. App. P. 35(a) ("A
majority of the circuit judges who are in regular active service
. . . may order that an appeal . . . be heard . . . by the court of
appeals en banc.").
2
Fed. R. App. P. 35(a):
A majority of the circuit judges who are in regular
active service and who are not disqualified may order
that an appeal . . . be heard . . . by the court of
appeals en banc. An en banc hearing . . . is not favored
and ordinarily will not be ordered unless:
. . .
(2) the proceeding involves a question of exceptional
importance
3
Cf. Igartúa v. United States, 626 F.3d 592, 612 n.21 (1st
Cir. 2010) (Torruella, J., dissenting) (Igartúa IV).
-5-
the petitions,4 which include:
(I) Whether the Constitution prohibits the
United States citizens residing in Puerto Rico
from voting for representatives in the U.S.
House of Representatives?
(II) Whether the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights, ratified by the
United States, Sept. 8, 1992, 999 U.N.T.S. 171
(1966) (ICCPR), is the Law of the Land
pursuant to the Supremacy Clause of Article VI
of the Constitution?5
(III) Whether the ICCPR establishes rights
that can be judicially enforced in the courts
of the United States for the benefit of the
U.S. citizens residing in Puerto Rico?
(IV) Whether Petitioners are entitled to a
declaratory judgment to the effect that the
United States is in violation of the ICCPR by
reason of its failure to take any action to
comply with the requirements of Articles 25,6
2(1),7 2(2),8 and 2(3)9 of the ICCPR?
4
The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico has been granted leave to
appear as a party, in addition to the individual citizen-
appellants.
5
U.S. Const. art. VI, cl. 2: "[A]ll Treaties made, or which
shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be
the supreme Law of the Land; and the judges in every State shall be
bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State
to the Contrary notwithstanding."
6
Article 25, ICCPR: "Every citizen shall have the right and
the opportunity . . . : (a) To take part in the conduct of public
affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives; [and]
(b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which
shall be by universal and equal suffrage."
7
Article 2(1), ICCPR: The United States "undertakes to respect
and to ensure to all individuals within its territory and subject
to its jurisdiction the rights recognized in the present Covenant,
-6-
Although the Appellate Rules do not provide a definition
of what is a "question of exceptional importance," the issues
alleged in this appeal are undoubtedly quintessential "questions of
exceptional importance" because they implicate fundamental
constitutional, civil and political rights of the millions of
United States citizens who reside in Puerto Rico.
I am sorry to say that the vote against en banc
consideration is by all appearances the result of a concerted
stratagem to disparage these rights, and to prevent their
litigation on a level playing field. See supra note 3. The
disregard for the dictates of Appellate Rule 35(a)(2) makes this
clear and forces me to protest this result in the strongest of
terms.
The fundamental constitutional right at stake is the
without distinction of any kind."
8
Article 2(2), ICCPR: The United States agrees "to take the
necessary steps, in accordance with its constitutional processes
and with the provisions of the present Covenant, to adopt such laws
or other measures as may be necessary to give effect to the rights
recognized in the present Covenant."
9
Article 2(3), ICCPR: In furtherance of the rights recognized
in the ICCPR, the United States commits itself "[t]o ensure that
any person whose rights or freedoms as herein recognized are
violated shall have an effective remedy," in furtherance of which
the United States is obligated "[t]o ensure that any person
claiming such a remedy shall have his right thereto determined by
competent judicial, administrative or legislative authorities, or
by any other competent authority provided for by the legal system
of the State, and to develop the possibilities of judicial remedy."
-7-
right to vote, a right which has been poignantly described as
"preservative of [all] other basic civil and political rights [and
whose] alleged infringement . . . must be carefully and
meticulously scrutinized." Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 562
(1964) (emphasis added). See also Evans v. Cornman, 398 U.S. 419,
422 (1970) ("[T]he right to vote . . . is protective of all
fundamental rights and privileges."); Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S.
1, 17 (1964) ("No right is more precious in a free country than
that of having a voice in the election of those who make the laws
. . . .").
The opponents of en banc review apparently base their
opposition on personal views of the merits of this appeal, for I
cannot contemplate how they can rationally conclude that the issues
raised are not of "exceptional importance." Yet, at this
procedural crossroads, the merits of this controversy are
irrelevant to the initial decision that must be made as to the
gravity of these issues. See generally Michael E. Solimine, Due
Process and En Banc Decisionmaking, 48 Ariz. L. Rev. 325, 337-38
(2006) ("The time to fully address the merits of the case and the
correctness of the panel decision's result is when, and if,
rehearing en banc is granted, and the case is rebriefed and argued
on the merits."). Apart from disregarding Rule 35, proceeding sub
silentio to exercise their vote based on their views of the merits
of this appeal undermines the very notion of Rule 35, as embodied
-8-
in Rule 35(a)(2), that issues of importance be considered and
decided by the entire court, acting together after rebriefing,
reargument, and engaging in the crucible of joint deliberation.
Because of the negative manner in which Rule 35(a) is
framed ("An en banc hearing . . . is not favored . . . ."), most
discussions dealing with the exercise of discretion under Rule
35(a)(2) are found in dissenting opinions of cases denying en banc
review. Thus, in Ricci v. DeStefano, 530 F.3d 88, 93 (2d Cir.
2008), Chief Judge Dennis Jacobs, in his dissent from denial of
rehearing en banc, in language apropos to the present appeal
stated:
Th[e] occluded view of our discretion to sit
in banc runs counter to the criteria set down
for our guidance in Rule 35. No doubt, the
proper exercise of discretion results in
denial of review in the overwhelming number of
cases. And the resulting pattern may resemble
the pattern of denial that would result from
saying "no" by tradition. But the decision to
grant or deny in banc review is like any other
discretionary decision in the sense that
discretion should be exercised, not elided or
stuck in a default position. See United
States v. Campo, 140 F.3d 415, 419 (2d Cir.
1998) (per curiam) (holding that "refusal to
exercise discretion accorded [the court] by
law . . . constitutes an error of law"). The
exercise of discretion to hear cases in banc
is integral to the judicial process.
. . . If issues are important enough to
warrant Supreme Court review, they are
important enough for our full Court to
consider and decide on the merits. Of course,
if an in banc poll discloses broad-based
agreement with the panel opinion, in banc
review may be spinning wheels. Under such
-9-
circumstances, it may very well be an
appropriate exercise of discretion to deny
rehearing in banc. But to rely on tradition
to deny rehearing in banc starts to look very
much like abuse of discretion.
The denial of en banc review to petitions which raise
constitutional questions of the magnitude implicated in this case,
which fundamentally affect a population of United States citizens
larger in number than that of the combined populations of all the
jurisdictions in this circuit except Massachusetts, as well as that
of twenty-two other States individually,10 is a gross abuse of
discretion. As Professor Solimine, who has written extensively on
the issues raised by en banc proceedings, has cogently stated,
"[t]he importance of a case would seem to increase as the size and
population of the affected geographical area increases."11 This is
a proposition which, I submit, clearly fits the fundamental
constitutional issues raised by Puerto Rico and its citizens in the
present appeal.
In looking for a principled definition of what is a
question of "exceptional importance," it may be of some use to look
to the appeals in which this circuit has granted en banc rehearing,
and compare the issues in those appeals with those raised by the
10
See United States Census 2010 Resident Population Data,
available at http://2010.census.gov/2010census/data/apportionment-
pop-text.php.
11
Michael E. Solimine, Ideology and En Banc Review, 67 N.C.L.
Rev. 29, 66 (1988).
-10-
present petitions. This court has allowed en banc review in a
grand total of ten cases in the last five years, although none has
been granted in the last two years.12 The total number of en banc
cases heard during this period represents less than 1% of the 914
petitions presented, with granted en banc petitions amounting to an
infinitesimal proportion of the total of 10,372 appeals presented
during the same period and through March 31 of this year.
A perusal of the issues raised in the cases in which we
granted en banc review during this five-year period is of use in
12
2011 n/a
2010 n/a
2009 SEC v. Tambone, 597 F.3d 436 (1st Cir. 2010)
United States v. Textron, 577 F.3d 21 (1st Cir.
2009)
2008 Aronov v. Napolitano, 562 F.3d 84 (1st Cir. 2009)
United States v. Giggey, 551 F.3d 27 (1st Cir. 2008)
2007 United States v. Santiago, 519 F.3d 1 (Cir. 2008)
2006 Carcieri v. Kempthorne, 497 F.3 15 (1st Cir. 2007)
Castañeda-Castillo v. Gonzalez, 488 F.3d 17 (1st
Cir. 2007)
Narragansett Indian Tribe v. Rhode Island, 449 F.3d
16 (1st Cir. 2006)
United States v. Scherrer, 444 F.3d 91 (1st Cir.
2006)
United States v. Jimenez-Beltre, 440 F.3d 514 (1st
Cir. 2005)
-11-
determining the legitimacy of the criteria used in denying en banc
review in the present appeal. Not to dwell unnecessarily on the
point, I will briefly describe the issues raised in just the last
four granted en banc petitions. It should be noted that these
appeals are generally representative of the cases that received en
banc hearings during the last five years. From them we can readily
discern that at a minimum, the magnitude of importance of the
questions in the present appeals, in which en banc is denied by
reason of a tie vote, is at least of equal importance to those
cases on which en banc review was granted.
In SEC v. Tambone, 597 F.3d 436, 438 (1st Cir. 2010), the
issue was whether defendant underwriters' use of false and
misleading prospectus statements constituted the "making of
statements" that rendered them primarily liable under SEC Rule
10b-5. In United States v. Textron, 577 F.3d 21, 22 (1st Cir.
2009), the issue was the right of the IRS to engage in discovery
regarding "tax accrual work papers," which were claimed to be the
work product of counsel in contemplation of litigation. In Aronov
v. Napolitano, 562 F.3d 84, 85-86 (1st Cir. 2009), the question was
whether undue delay by the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service
in processing a citizenship application, thus requiring legal
action by the applicant, entitled the prospective citizen to
recover attorney fees against the government under the Equal Access
to Justice Act. United States v. Giggey, 551 F.3d 27 (1st Cir.
-12-
2008), which went to en banc directly, without a prior panel
hearing or decision, involved Sentencing Guideline issues related
to the "categorical approach" to burglary convictions and whether
they constitute "crimes of violence" under the guidelines.
Without debasing the importance of these cases, can it be
seriously argued that the issues presented in them meriting the
granting of en banc consideration are of greater importance than
those presented by the present appeal? The statement of Chief
Judge Winter in Falwell v. Flynt, 805 F.2d 484, 489 (4th Cir. 1986)
(Winter, C.J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc), rev'd
on other grounds, 108 S. Ct. 876 (1988), is apropos: "Why, when the
court has freely granted rehearings in banc in recent years in many
cases less significant, it declines to do so here, is
inexplicable." I further add that, as Judge Murnaghan has written,
"[i]t is distasteful to me to see the work of the court take on the
guise of a roulette wheel operated by chance." Beatty v.
Chesapeake Ctr, Inc., 835 F.2d 71, 75 n.1 (4th Cir. 1987) (en banc)
(Murnaghan, J., concurring).
Whether a question meets the standard of "exceptional
importance" should be determined by objective criteria,13 and should
not depend -- as some have suggested -- on whether it is
13
Solimine, supra note 11, at 33.
-13-
exceptional in the "eye of the beholder"14 or because "one knows it
when one sees it."15 Judging from a comparison of the cases in
which we have granted or denied en banc review one cannot help but
wonder if those are the criteria that are prevalent in this circuit
when considering en banc petitions. I fret to think that such
frivolous non-standards prevail when testing whether matters as
portentous as those presented by these petitions are in the
balance. Yet, more and more the granting or denial of en banc
review has become a function of the roulette wheel previously
alluded to, and from the standpoint of the rights of the
petitioners, Russian roulette at that.
The views of other judges regarding what constitutes an
issue of exceptional importance should inform this court on this
matter. Judge Kozinski advocated for en banc review of cases where
"[t]he result reached threatens a potentially serious and
widespread infringement of personal liberties." Int'l Olympic
Comm. v. San Francisco Arts & Athletics, 789 F.3d 1319, 1320 (9th
Cir. 1986) (Kozinski, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en
banc). Judge Easterbrook has said that "the questions of principle
glossed over by the panel's opinion are far more important than the
outcome of th[e] case, and they are worth the extra judicial time
14
Jon O. Newman, In Banc Practice in the Second Circuit: The
Virtues of Restraint, 50 Brook. L. Rev 365, 371 (1984).
15
Solimine, supra note 11, at 51 (quoting from a private
interview with an appellate judge).
-14-
necessary to get them right." Serpas v. Schmidt, 827 F.3d 23, 40
(7th Cir. 1987) (Easterbrook, J., dissenting from denial of
rehearing en banc). Judge Robinson, joined by Judges Edwards and
Ginsburg, stated that "[i]n the exceptional case . . . en banc
rehearing may be appropriate to cure gross individual injustice."
Church of Scientology v. Foley, 640 F.2d 1335, 1341 n.46 (D.C. Cir.
1981) (Robinson, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc),
cert. denied, 452 U.S. 962 (1981).
Given the apparent reliance by the opponents of en banc
review on their view of the merits of this appeal, I am forced to
briefly summarize my views regarding the issues raised by this
appeal lest they be obscured in the event of higher review.16
As an initial point I believe it is worth stating that
the issues decided by the panel in this case are different from
those passed upon in previous Igartúa cases.17 This much is
conceded by Chief Judge Lynch in her lead panel opinion in the
present appeal. See Igartúa IV, 626 F.3d at 595 ("These cases
inform our analysis of this admittedly different, but related
16
"[C]ourts of appeals should decide whether Rule 35 criteria
have been met, regardless of the likelihood of subsequent Supreme
Court review. What is important for Rule 35 purposes may not be
the same for what the Court regards as important for its own,
nationwide agenda." Solimine, 48 Ariz. L. Rev. at 340.
17
Igartúa de la Rosa v. United States, 32 F.3d 8 (1st Cir.
1994) ("Igartúa I"); Igartúa de la Rosa v. United States, 229 F.3d
80 (1st Cir. 2000) ("Igartúa II"); Igartúa de la Rosa v. United
States, 417 F.3d 145 (1st Cir. 2005) (en banc) ("Igartúa III").
-15-
question."). I thus find it disingenuous for the judges that
oppose en banc to claim as grounds for denying en banc review, that
"[t]he issues at the heart of this case have already received en
banc review and are not entitled to new review." See statement
concerning denial of en banc at 2.
The constitutional violations inflicted on Petitioners
are the direct result of the dubious theories invented over a
century ago by academic alchemists at noted Northeastern
universities.18 Thereafter, they were adopted by the Supreme Court19
to justify keeping Puerto Rico and other territorial booty acquired
by the United States after the Spanish-American War of 1898 in a
18
See Simeon E. Baldwin, The Constitutional Questions Incident
to the Acquisition and Government by the United States of Island
Territory, 12 Harv. L. Rev. 393 (1899); C.C. Langdell, The Status
of Our New Territories, 12 Harv. L. Rev. 365 (1899); Abbott
Lawrence Lowell, The Status of Our New Possessions: A Third View,
13 Harv. L. Rev. 155 (1899); John Kimberly Beach, Constitutional
Expansion, 8 Yale L.J. 225 (1899); Paul R. Shipman, Webster on
Territories, 9 Yale L.J. 185 (1900). This academic hawkishness was
in keeping with the Northeast's expansionist mantra, of which
Massachusetts was the epicenter, led by its preeminent Senator,
Henry Cabot Lodge. See Juan R. Torruella, Global Intrigues: The
Era of the Spanish-American War and the Rise of the United States
to World Power 172 (2007); see also William C. Wednor, Henry Cabot
Lodge and the Search for American Foreign Policy 120 (1980).
19
De Lima v. Bidwell, 182 U.S. 1 (1901); Goetze v. United
States, 182 U.S. 221 (1901); Dooley v. United States, 182 U.S. 222
(1901); Armstrong v. United States, 182 U.S. 243 (1901); Downes v.
Bidwell, 182 U.S. 244 (1901); Huus v. N.Y. & P.R.S.S. Co., 182 U.S.
392 (1901). See also Balzac v. Porto Rico, 258 U.S. 298 (1922).
-16-
subjugated colonial status ad infinitum.20 The rules thus created
are analogous to, and contemporaneous with, the discredited Plessy
v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896), doctrine. Lest there be any
doubt about the nature of what is at issue in the present appeal,
I believe the writings on this subject of Rubin Frances Weston, an
eminent historian and political scientist, are worth referring to
at this time:
Those who advocated overseas expansion faced
this dilemma: What kind of relationship would
the new peoples have to the body politic? Was
it to be the relationship of the
Reconstruction period, an attempt at political
equality for dissimilar races, or was it to be
the Southern "counterrevolutionary" point of
view which denied the basic American
constitutional rights to people of color? The
actions of the federal government during the
imperial period and the relegation of the
Negro to a status of second-class citizenship
indicated that the Southern point of view
would prevail. The racism which caused the
relegation of the Negro to a status of
inferiority was to be applied to the overseas
possessions of the United States.21
It is this colonial regime, unsupportable when judged by
today's legal, constitutional, and moral standards, that is kept in
place and buttressed by this court's failure to rehear this appeal
20
See Juan R. Torruella, The Insular Cases: The Establishment
of a Regime of Political Apartheid, 29 U. Pa. J. Int'l L. 283
(2007).
21
Rubin Francis Weston, Racism in U.S. Imperialism: The
Influence of Racial Assumptions On American Foreign Policy, 1883-
1946 15 (1972).
-17-
en banc, thus allowing the panel opinion to stand. Furthermore, the
constitutional scenario since the banc decision in Igartúa III six
years ago has changed to such a degree as to justify reconsideration
of that ill-advised and fractured opinion. See Boumediene v. Bush,
553 U.S. 723, 758 (2008) ("It may well be that over time the ties
between the United States and any of its unincorporated Territories
[have] strengthen[ed] in ways that are of constitutional
significance."); United States v. Laboy-Torres, 553 F.3d 715, 721
(3d Cir. 2009) (O'Connor, Associate Justice, Retired) (stating that
Puerto Rico "'seem[s] to have become a State within a common and
accepted meaning of the word.'") (quoting United States v. Steele,
685 F.2d 793, 805 n.7 (3d Cir. 1982) (internal citations omitted)).
Cf. Calero-Toledo v. Pearson Yacht Leasing Co., 416 U.S. 663, 672
(1974) ("Puerto Rico has not become a State in the federal Union
like the 48 States, but it would seem to have become a State within
a common and accepted meaning of the word." (quoting Mora v. Mejias,
206 F.2d 377, 387 (1st Cir. 1953))). This, when added to the
changes that have taken place in the composition of this court since
Igartúa III was decided, should counsel convening a new en banc
court to allow the expression of views on these exceptionally
important questions from all the present members of this court.
As stated in my separate panel opinion, see Igartúa IV,
626 F.3d at 612 (Torruella, J., concurring in part; dissenting in
part), although I am of the view that Article I, Section 2 of the
-18-
Constitution does not grant the citizen-appellants the right to
select voting Representatives to the House of Representatives,
neither does the Constitution prohibit such an outcome.22 Although
this may seem at first glance a mere theoretical topic for academic
discourse not directly at issue in this appeal, in fact this is a
key matter in considering the failure of the United States to comply
with its treaty obligations under the ICCPR.23 Stated more
explicitly: (1) there is no prohibition in Article I, or elsewhere
in the Constitution, against the granting of voting rights to United
States citizens who reside in the territories; (2) pursuant to
Missouri v. Holland, and Congress' plenary powers over territories
under the Territorial Clause of the Constitution,24 Congress has the
power to grant voting rights to these citizens, but has failed to
22
U.S. Const. art. I, § 2: "[T]he House of Representatives
shall be composed of Members chosen every Second Year by the People
of the several States."
23
Cf. Missouri v. Holland, 252 U.S. 416 (1920) (stating that
Congress can act beyond its enumerated Article I powers when
implementing a treaty obligation). It is also relevant to the
question whether Petitioners present a justiciable controversy for
which a remedy is available under the Declaratory Judgment Act.
See 28 U.S.C § 2201 et seq. Cf. Leal-Garcia v. Texas, 131 S. Ct.
2866 (2011) (no issue of standing raised, Court considered the
merits of petitioners claims, notwithstanding the Vienna Convention
was held to be non-self executing).
24
U.S. Const. art. IV, Sec. 3: "Congress shall have the Power
to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting
the Territory and other Property belonging to the United States;
and nothing in the Constitution shall be construed as to Prejudice
any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State."
-19-
exercise this power;25 (3) because of its inaction, the United
States is in violation of its obligations under the ICCPR; (4) as
will be further discussed, the ICCPR is domestic law of the United
States by virtue of the Supremacy Clause; (5) the ICCPR has created
individual rights which protect the citizens of the United States
residing in Puerto Rico; (6) the ICCPR guarantees to these citizens
access to the courts of the United States to validate these rights;
(7) the United States, having failed to grant voting rights to its
citizens residing in Puerto Rico commensurate to those of its
citizens in the rest of the Nation, is in violation of domestic law
as infused by its treaty obligations under the ICCPR, see supra note
23 (discussing issue of standing); (8) Petitioners are entitled to
a declaratory judgment to the effect that the failure of the United
States to grant them equal voting rights is a violation of the
ICCPR. My detailed views on the merits of these issues are fully
discussed in my panel opinion and need not be further elaborated at
this time. I must, however, clarify a certain obfuscation brought
about by the views of the opponents to en banc review.
The joint opposing opinion makes much of what it
characterizes as the Supreme Court's express ratification of Igartúa
III's holding that the ICCPR is not self-executing. See Medellín
v. Texas, 552 U.S. 491, 505 (2008) (citing Igartúa III, 417 F.3d at
25
This is a distinction from the situation with the District
of Columbia, where Congress's power derives from Article I, § 8,
cl. 17.
-20-
150). Although at first glance this appears to be an appealing
argument, further analysis shows that it rests on a shaky
foundation. Firstly, in Medellín, the Supreme Court was dealing
with the Vienna Convention and not the ICCPR, and so any reference
to the latter is at best dicta. See Leal-Garcia v. Texas, 131 S.
Ct. at 2687 (Medellín v. Texas involved interpretation of the Vienna
Convention). The passing reference by the Supreme Court to Igartúa
III states that "while treaties 'may comprise international
commitments . . . they are not domestic law unless Congress has
either enacted implementing statutes or the treaty itself conveys
an intention that it be "self-executing" and is ratified on those
terms.'" Medellín, 552 U.S. at 505. This is hardly a remarkable
or novel statement of international or domestic law, and does not
demonstrate that the Supreme Court intended to express a view as to
whether the ICCPR, in particular, is or is not self-executing.26
The Supreme Court, like the majority in Igartúa III, did
not engage in an analysis of either the ICCPR's text or it history,
and it did not inquire into the post-ratification understanding of
the signatory nations as to whether the ICCPR is self-executing. As
Judge Howard suggested in his dissent in Igartúa III, see 417 F.3d
26
The recycling of judicial error by the parroting of prior
decisions without independent and thorough analysis has been
properly dubbed "a judicial game of 'telephone,'" in an article
specifically targeting the First Circuit. See Adam D. Chandler,
Note, Puerto Rico's Eleventh Amendment Status Anxiety, 120 Yale
L.J. 2183, 2191 (2011)
-21-
at 189 (Howard, J., dissenting), "a court must conduct an
independent and searching inquiry into the treaty's purpose." The
majority and the dissent in Medellín, although reaching different
conclusions, at least provided such an analysis of the Vienna
Convention. They did not, however, present a comparable analysis
with respect to the ICCPR because this was not an issue before the
Court. The panel opinion in this case and the majority opinion in
Igartúa III both similarly failed to provide a thorough analysis of
the relevant ICCPR provisions before concluding that the ICCPR is,
in its entirety, non-self-executing.
It is now beyond cavil that the interpretation and
administration of a treaty are matters within the exclusive
jurisdiction of the courts of the United States. The Paquete
Habana, 175 U.S. 677, 700 (1900). Thus, whether the ICCPR is the
Law of the Land "is, of course, a matter for [the courts] to
decide." Medellín, 552 U.S. at 519. It is the courts and not other
branches of government that, upon examining a treaty's text (or when
its meaning is not apparent from the text, its history), must
determine whether the treaty creates individual rights or is non-
self-executing.
As stated repeatedly by the Supreme Court, and most
recently in Abbott v. Abbott, 130 S. Ct. 1983, 1990 (2010), "[t]he
interpretation of a treaty . . . begins with its text." See also
Medellín, 552 U.S. at 562 (explaining that "explicit textual
-22-
expression" is the focus of the self-execution analysis); United
States v. Alvarez-Machain, 504 U.S. 655, 663 (1992) (stating that
courts look first to a treaty's terms to determine its content). The
opponents of en banc review abdicate their constitutional duty to
make an independent and thorough assessment of the meaning and
import of the ICCPR.
There is nothing in the content of the ICCPR, or for that
matter in its history,27 that supports an interpretation that the
parties to said treaty were not creating individual rights or that
the ICCPR was not a self-executing treaty in favor of establishing
enforceable rights for the citizens of the party-signatories.
Article 25 of the ICCPR provides without equivocation that "every
citizen shall have the right to vote . . . at genuine periodic
elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage" (emphasis
added). This right is implemented and given self-executing force
by the other provisions of the ICCPR. These include Article 2(1),
in which the United States "undertakes to respect and to ensure to
all individuals within its territory . . . the rights recognized
. . . without distinction of any kind" (emphasis added); Article
2(2), in which the United States agrees "to take the necessary
steps, in accordance with its constitutional processes . . . to
adopt such laws or other measures as may be necessary to give effect
27
See Igartúa IV, 626 F.3d at 631-633, for a detailed summary
of its history and the United States' vigorous participation
throughout its negotiations.
-23-
to the rights recognized in this Covenant"; and Article 2(3), which
commits the United States to further these rights by "ensur[ing]
that any person whose rights . . . are violated shall have an
effective remedy," and obligating the United States to ensure that
"any person claiming such a remedy shall have his right thereto
determined by competent judicial . . . authority . . . and to
develop the possibilities of a judicial remedy" (emphasis added).
This language unequivocally establishes individual rights that can
be individually enforced in the courts of the signatory countries
to the ICCPR -- which of course includes the United States.
In summarily discussing these issues, some courts,
including our own, have failed to engage in an in-depth analysis of
the text or history of the ICCPR, or of the domestic legal
consequences that follow by virtue of the Supremacy Clause. Had
they done so, they would have discovered that the Senate did not
express "reservations" about Articles 2 and 25 of the ICCPR.28 They
would have found that the alleged non-self-execution of the ICCPR
relies exclusively on statements made in the ratification process
of the ICCPR.29 Such declarations are, of course, not the Law of
28
See 138 Cong. Rec. 8070-71.
29
See S. Exec. Rep. No. 102-23 (1992), reprinted in 31 I.L.M.
645, 657 (conditioning the Senate's consent on the United States'
declaration that the treaty be non-self-executing); see also id. at
660 (reprinting a letter from the President to the Senate
requesting ratification of the ICCPR). But see 138 Cong. Rec. 8070
(1992) (statement of Sen. Daniel Moynihan) ("Even though the
-24-
the Land; only reservations are part of the treaty and become the
Law of the Land. See Igartúa IV, 626 F.3d at 624 (Torruella, J.,
dissenting); Igartúa III, 417 F.3d at 190 (Howard, J., dissenting);
United States v. Stuart, 489 U.S. 353, 374-75 (1989) (Scalia, J.,
concurring in the judgment). Therefore, they would have concluded
that the United States is in clear violation of its obligations
under Articles 2 and 25 of the ICCPR as it has failed to take any
steps to comply with its obligations under said provisions. In
short, had this court given these issues the attention they deserve,
they would have found that the petitioners are entitled, as a matter
of domestic law, to a declaratory judgment stating that the United
States is in violation of its obligations under the ICCPR.
Even, however, if the relevant portions of the ICCPR are
not self-executing -- that is, even if they do not create a private
cause of action -- I believe that would not preclude a federal court
from issuing a declaratory judgment stating that the United States
is in violation of its obligations under the ICCPR. Treaties have
been described as akin to "contracts" between nations. See Whitney
v. Robertson, 124 U.S. 190, 194 (1888); Foster v. Neilson, 27 U.S.
253, 314 (1829) (describing the terms of some treaties as
"import[ing] a contract"). As such, one should presumably expect
a treaty to create obligations of some sort between the parties.
Convention is non-self-executing, the[] [provisions of the ICCPR]
will now become binding obligations of the United States.")
-25-
Now, it may be the case that some treaties -- the non-self-executing
ones -- do not, simply by virtue of ratification, create obligations
owed to a ratifying nation's private citizens. But I do not see
that it follows that such a treaty would create no obligations, of
any kind, between any of the contracting parties.30 Such a view
would suggest that ratification of a treaty, no matter how
momentously it is portrayed, amounts to little more than words
without weight or validity, and ritual without consequence. I, for
one, do not believe we should be so quick to consider a treaty as
significant as the ICCPR as just so much high-level blathering.
Thus, even if the ICCPR does not create an obligation owed
in the first instance to American citizens, including those residing
in Puerto Rico, it must still create an obligation on the part of
the United States as a contracting party to abide by the terms of
the supposed "contract" it ratified. A federal court may not be
empowered to direct Congress to make good on those obligations by
ordering it to enact executing legislation. But I fail to see why
a court is not empowered to point out when Congress' failure to do
so means that the United States is in clear violation of the
obligations it purported to accept when it ratified the treaty.31
30
See statement of Sen. Moynihan reproduced in footnote 29,
ante.
31
In Foster v. Neilson, the Supreme Court suggested that some
treaties might "address[]" themselves "to the political, not the
judicial department" inasmuch as in some cases the legislature
"must execute the contract before it can become a rule for the
-26-
Rejecting even the possibility of a declaratory judgment to this
effect is especially mystifying when past experience suggests that
the political branches of government are likely to abide by an
authoritative declaration of United States law, including
commitments made by the United States through ratification of a
treaty (self-executing or otherwise). See Juda v. United States,
13 Cl. Ct. 667 (1987) ("Juda II"); Juda v. United States, 6 Cl. Ct.
441 (1984) ("Juda I").
Finally, I must respectfully disagree with Judge Howard's
claim that the Supreme Court's recent opinion in Abbott v. Abbott,
130 S. Ct. 1983 (2010), is at all helpful in resolving this case.
Judge Howard suggests that Abbott somehow enhanced the significance
of the views of the executive on the status of a treaty. Abbott did
no such thing. Abbott's discussion of the State Department's
position on so-called ne exeat rights came after the majority had
already presented a conclusive argument explicitly based on the text
of the relevant convention. See Abbott, 130 S. Ct. at 1990-93.
Based on its examination of the convention's text, the majority
conclusively stated that a ne exeat right was a "right of custody
under the Convention," and rejected the opposing view as "illogical
and atextual." Id. at 1992 (emphasis added). It was only then that
Court." 27 U.S. 253, 314 (1829). The Supreme Court did not say
that such a treaty did not create any obligations whatsoever, nor
did it suggest that the "judicial department" might be prohibited
from noting when the political department has not yet done what it
(ostensibly) contracted to do.
-27-
the majority turned to consider the State Department's views on the
matter. The appeal to the State Department's position was thus
dicta, a fact that the majority acknowledged by characterizing those
views as "support[ing]" and "inform[ing]" its holding, not as
crucial to it.
Abbott thus does not support the view that a Senate
declaration might overwhelm the clear language of Article 25 of the
ICCPR. At most, what Abbott suggests is that how the executive
branch describes a convention may help corroborate the result of
what has been, and still is, primarily a textual inquiry. I agree
with Judge Howard to the extent that he considers the language of
Article 25 to be "mandatory," and thus clearly suggests self-
execution. I therefore cannot see that dicta from Abbott is at all
useful in resolving this case.
It has now been over half a century since Brown v. Board
of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954), was decided, and well over a
century since Puerto Rico's colonial status was legitimized by the
courts of this Nation. Notwithstanding that the rights established
under the ICCPR provide this court with principled grounds for
correcting this intolerable stigma of inequality, this avenue is
foreclosed and blocked by those who are entrenched on the wrong side
of history. By their veto, the opponents of en banc review continue
to support the outdated anachronisms that maintain the United States
citizens of Puerto Rico in their pervasively undemocratic and "un-
-28-
American" condition. This is particularly ironic at a time when
this Nation's lives (including those of United States citizens
residing in Puerto Rico) and treasure are placed in harm's way to
promote the values that are defeated by the opposing votes.
History will not judge these actions kindly.
LIPEZ, Circuit Judge, dissenting from the denial of
rehearing en banc. Rule 35(a) of the Federal Rules of Appellate
Procedure provides for en banc rehearing when "the proceeding
involves a question of exceptional importance." Fed. R. App. P.
35(a)(2). The right of United States citizens to vote for, and be
represented by, full-status members of Congress must be counted
among the few matters that facially meet the "exceptional
importance" prerequisite. As the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico argued
in its motion to intervene in this case, granted by a majority of
the panel, "the legal issues implicate matters of fundamental
concern to the almost four million Puerto Rico residents who are
U.S. citizens yet have no voting representation in the legislature
of the government of this Nation." Motion to Intervene, at 4.
Indeed, given our court's continuing struggle with these important
issues – reflected in the three separate opinions produced by the
panel – this is the rare case in which en banc review should be
granted without hesitation.32 Hence, I am dismayed and saddened
32
Rule 35(a) states that "[a]n en banc hearing or rehearing is
not favored and ordinarily will not be ordered," but exceptions
exist where "en banc consideration is necessary to secure or
-29-
that three of my colleagues have shut the door on review by the full
court. I therefore dissent from the denial of rehearing en banc.
I concurred in the judgment in this case because I
believed the panel could not properly reconsider issues that were
decided by the full court as part of our 2005 en banc ruling that
Puerto Rico citizens did not have the right to vote in presidential
elections. See Igartúa-De La Rosa v. United States (Igartúa III),
417 F.3d 145 (1st Cir. 2005) (en banc). I emphasized in my
concurrence here, however, that the magnitude of the issues and
Judge Torruella's forceful dissent compel us to grant en banc
consideration of the plaintiffs' claims of entitlement to
representation in Congress. Igartúa v. United States, 626 F.3d 592,
607 (1st Cir. 2010) (Igartúa IV). Indeed, this is the classic case
anticipated by Rule 35(a)(2)'s "exceptional importance" provision
– one so unusually challenging and significant that the issues it
raises deserve the attention of the full court, informed by the
superior advocacy that ordinarily accompanies such comprehensive
review.
Reconvening our en banc court to consider the voting
rights of citizens residing in Puerto Rico is necessary because the
significant issues that would be addressed were either not
explicitly considered in 2005 or require a more developed analysis
maintain uniformity of the court's decisions" or "the proceeding
involves a question of exceptional importance."
-30-
in light of intervening Supreme Court precedent and "the evolution
of scholarly and official opinion in the five years since Igartúa
III." Petition of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico for Rehearing En
Banc, at 6. It is not enough to say that those issues must
ultimately be decided by the Supreme Court. That evasion simply
states the obvious. As an intermediate appellate court, we have our
own responsibility to grapple in the first instance with the unique,
challenging, and unavoidably controversial questions presented by
this case.
As more fully described in my concurring opinion, two
specific issues warrant en banc consideration:
1. The Constitutional Question. The threshold question
we must face is whether the Constitution permits Congress to provide
Puerto Rico residents with the right to vote. This issue was not
explicitly addressed in the 2005 en banc, in which we concluded that
the Constitution does not require extending the right to vote to
citizens residing in Puerto Rico. I continue to believe that we
were correct in holding that the Constitution does not mandate
voting rights for Puerto Ricans. But the separate question of
whether Congress has the authority through legislation or adoption
of a treaty to provide the right to vote to Puerto Rico residents
remains unaddressed. In effect, we presumed that because the
Constitution itself enfranchises only citizens of "States," only
such citizens could be given the right to vote. The question,
-31-
however, is whether conferring the right to vote on state residents
in the Constitution necessarily forecloses Congress from extending
the right to others. That is not a question that I even
contemplated in 2005. However, as noted in my concurrence, the
possibility that the Constitution would permit such an extension of
voting rights has in the intervening years been articulated by
scholars and judges and is "worthy of serious examination." Igartúa
IV, 626 F.3d at 608.
2. The Treaty Question. Even if the Constitution permits
enfranchising citizens in Puerto Rico, the question remains whether
the ICCPR, or some other treaty, has created an enforceable voting
right on their behalf. The 2005 en banc court held that the ICCPR
was not self-executing and thus did "not adopt any legal obligations
binding as a matter of domestic law." Igartúa III, 417 F.3d at
150.33 The en banc majority's conclusion was based on a Senate
declaration to that effect and cursory references by the Supreme
Court (in Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, 542 U.S. 692 (2004)) appearing
to accept the declaration as dispositive of the issue. Id. Judge
Howard cogently explained in his 2005 en banc dissent why the
majority was wrong, pointing out that the Senate lacks the authority
to declare the status of a treaty. Id. at 189-91 (Howard, J.,
33
A non-self-executing treaty does not itself create
obligations enforceable in the federal courts and must instead rely
on Congressional adoption of those obligations in separate
legislation.
-32-
dissenting).34
I did not at the time appreciate the appropriateness of
Judge Howard's focus because I did not contemplate the possibility
that the Constitution might permit enfranchising Puerto Rico
residents. If the Constitution forbids extending the right to vote
to Puerto Ricans, it would trump any treaty purporting to do so and
the ICCPR's status would be irrelevant to our assessment of the
plaintiffs' claims. I now realize the importance of Judge Howard's
analysis. If the Constitution allows the enfranchisement of Puerto
Ricans, the ICCPR's status is relevant to whether plaintiffs have
a private cause of action for deprivation of the right to vote that
they say the treaty guarantees to them. In his dissent in this
case, Judge Torruella argues forcefully that the surrounding
circumstances demonstrate that the ICCPR should in fact be construed
as a self-executing treaty. I have reached no conclusion on the
merits of this argument. It is apparent, however, that we need to
34
As I reported in my concurrence in this case:
Judge Howard explained that the Senate's non-self-
execution declaration concerning the domestic effect of
the ICCPR was "in reality[] an attempt to legislate
concerning the internal implementation of a treaty,"
which the Senate lacked the power to do. Igartúa III,
417 F.3d at 190-91 (dissenting opinion). Judge Howard
noted that the declaration was therefore "merely an
expression of the Senate's view of domestic policy . . .
[with] no domestic effect." Id. at 191.
Igartúa IV, 626 F.3d at 610 n.19.
-33-
confront it. The Supreme Court has recently confirmed that
determining whether a treaty is self-executing "is, of course, a
matter for [the courts] to decide." Medellín v. Texas, 552 U.S.
491, 518 (2008).35
As noted, I have not advocated for en banc review in this
case because I know the answers to the difficult questions that I
have identified. Rather, I have voted for en banc review because
I am certain that the denial of en banc review, whatever the
justification offered by my colleagues, is incompatible with our
collective obligation to decide questions of "exceptional
importance" through the en banc process. Rule 35(a)(2) is not some
meaningless formality. Instead, the rule recognizes that some
issues are simply too important to be decided in the ordinary manner
35
Despite the 2005 majority's assertion (based on Supreme Court
language) that the ICCPR is not self-executing, neither the en banc
panel nor the Supreme Court performed a close examination of the
treaty. An inquiry into the status of a treaty must begin with the
treaty language itself. Medellín, 552 U.S. at 514. In Medellín,
the Court, considering a different treaty, also looked to the
"'postratification understanding' of signatory nations," id. at
516, "general principles of interpretation," id. at 517, and the
consequences of reading the treaty in a particular way, id. at 517-
518. See also Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon, 548 U.S. 331, 344 & n.3,
347 (2006) (considering other signatories' understanding of the
treaty at issue). Neither the 2005 majority nor the Supreme Court
considered such factors in labeling the ICCPR as non-self-
executing. Indeed, as the Commonwealth points out in its petition
for en banc review, the Supreme Court in Sosa was "not confronted
with, and did not determine, whether the Senate's declaration
establishes that the ICCPR has no domestic legal effect." Petition
of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico for Rehearing En Banc, at 12.
-34-
by a panel of three judges. It recognizes that circuit judges
should not presume that they know the answers to exceptionally
difficult questions before they engage with all of their colleagues
after briefing and argument of the highest quality.
Look at the missed opportunity here. The Commonwealth,
now allowed to intervene, was represented by a law firm with
substantial Supreme Court litigation experience. Its lead lawyer
in the case was the former Solicitor General of the United States.
The United States was ably represented by the Department of Justice.
In addition, as we have done in other en banc proceedings involving
questions of exceptional importance, we could have invited amicus
participation from legal scholars, historians, and other interested
parties. For the first time, the complex issues that I have
identified would have received the adversary testing that they
require. For the first time, the Commonwealth's views on those
issues would have received from this court the respectful
consideration that they deserve.
My colleagues who have voted against en banc review
undoubtedly believe that the en banc process – always burdensome and
frequently divisive – would be a waste of time because, unlike me,
they are confident that they already know the answers to the
constitutional and treaty questions that I have identified. Their
premature certitude is the problem. It is untested by the vigorous
examination that the en banc process provides. It arises from a
-35-
flawed and incomplete consideration of the issues.
The threshold question in this case – whether the
Constitution permits Congress to extend voting rights to the
residents of Puerto Rico – was not addressed in 2005. The critical
ruling in that 2005 case – that the ICCPR is not self-executing –
does not reflect the close textual analysis that the Supreme Court
requires. As I observed in my concurrence to the panel opinion
here, this case at its core is about "whether a substantial group
of United States citizens should be given a right that our country
and the international community agree is a fundamental element of
a free society." 626 F.3d at 612. This is the paradigm of a
question of "exceptional importance." The Commonwealth deserves
to have that question addressed through a process that respects our
standard for granting en banc review and respects the desire of the
Commonwealth to be heard. By those measures, the denial of en banc
review by three of our colleagues is a grievous error.
THOMPSON, Circuit Judge, dissenting from the denial of
rehearing en banc. I see this case as presenting an issue of
exceptional importance — the disenfranchisement of millions of
United States citizens — and to this extent I join my colleagues'
dissents from denial of rehearing en banc. See Fed. R. App. P.
35(a)(2). It is worth noting that the three of us fully agree on
-36-
at least this limited question;36 indeed, I frankly cannot fathom
how anyone could conclude that the denial of such a fundamental
right to such a significant number of people is anything less than
exceptionally important. Therefore, more briefly but no less
vehemently than Judges Torruella and Lipez, I dissent.
By the Court:
/s/ Margaret Carter, Clerk
cc: Hon. Jay A. García-Gregory, Ms. Frances de Moran, Clerk, United
States District Court for the District of Puerto Rico, Mr.
Aldarondo-Lopez, Mr. Fleming, Mr. Singer, Mr. Wolfson, Mr. Waxman,
Mr. Aldardondo-Ortiz, Mr. Igartúa, Mr. Aliff-Ortiz, Mr. Riess & Mr.
Freeman.
36
The three of us also agree with Judge Howard's conclusion (in
dissent from an earlier Igartúa opinion) that we are not bound by
the Senate's declaration of the ICCPR's non-self-executing status,
particularly given that the Senate's declaration conflicts with the
treaty's text. Igartúa III, 417 F.3d 145, 190 (Howard, J.,
dissenting). I do not read Judge Howard's concurrence here as
changing his position. In the end this and other questions of the
ICCPR's interpretation would be better and more definitively
resolved after thorough arguments before the en banc court.
-37-