White v. RM Packer Co., Inc.

United States Court of Appeals
For the First Circuit

No. 10-1130

WILLIAM WHITE et al.,

Plaintiffs, Appellants,

v.

R.M. PACKER CO., INC., et al.,

Defendants, Appellees.

APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS

[Hon. Rya W. Zobel, U.S. District Judge]

Before

Lynch, Chief Judge,
Selya and Howard, Circuit Judges.

Stephen Schultz, with whom Engel & Schultz was on brief, for
appellants.
Brian A. O'Connell, with whom William J. Fidurko and Zizik,
Powers, O'Connell, Spaulding & Lamontagne, P.C. were on brief,
for appellees Drake Petroleum Co., Inc. and Kenyon Oil Company.
Richard W. Paterniti, with whom Patrick T. Jones, Peter J.
Schneider, and Cooley Manion Jones, LLP were on brief, for
appellee R.M. Packer.
Kevin C. Cain and Peabody & Arnold LLP on brief for appellee
Depot Corner, Inc.

February 18, 2011
 LYNCH, Chief Judge. The plaintiffs in this case complain

that the prices for gasoline on Martha's Vineyard have been

artificially high due both to an illegal price-fixing conspiracy

among four of the island's nine gas stations and to unconscionable

price-gouging in the aftermath of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita in

2005. As to the antitrust claims, the stations agree for the

purposes of summary judgment that there is evidence of parallel

pricing but say that is not illegal absent an agreement to fix

prices. The district court granted summary judgment to defendants

on both of plaintiffs' claims, which were brought under § 1 of the

Sherman Antitrust Act and a price-gouging regulation under Mass.

Gen. Laws ch. 93A. We affirm, discussing the law on "agreements,"

as opposed to "conscious parallelism," under the Sherman Act, and

assessing the defendants' post-hurricane pricing patterns under the

state price-gouging rule.

I. Standard of Review

We discuss separately the price-fixing and price-gouging

claims. The standard of review for each is the same. We review

the district court's grant of summary judgment de novo, taking all

facts and reasonable inferences therefrom in the light most

favorable to plaintiffs, the nonmoving parties, and affirming only

if there are no genuine issues of material fact and defendants are

entitled to judgment as a matter of law. See Cortes-Rivera v.

Dep't of Corr. and Rehab., 626 F.3d 21, 26 (1st Cir. 2010).

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 II. Sherman Act Price-Fixing Claim

An understanding of the legal structure of a price-fixing

claim under the Sherman Antitrust Act gives context to the facts

relied on by plaintiffs on summary judgment.

A. Legal and Economic Background

Section 1 of the Sherman Antitrust Act prohibits "[e]very

contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or

conspiracy, in restraint of trade." 15 U.S.C. § 1.1 In general,

practices challenged under the Sherman Act are struck down only if

they are unreasonable and anticompetitive, but agreements to fix

prices are "so plainly anticompetitive" that they are per se

illegal. Texaco Inc. v. Dagher, 547 U.S. 1, 5 (2006) (quoting

Nat'l Soc'y of Prof'l Eng'rs v. United States, 435 U.S. 679, 692

(1978)).

Section 1 by its plain terms reaches only "agreements"--

whether tacit or express. Bell Atl. Corp. v. Twombly, 550 U.S.

544, 553 (2007). It does not reach independent decisions, even if

they lead to the same anticompetitive result as an actual agreement

among market actors.2 15 U.S.C. § 1; Am. Needle, Inc. v. Nat'l

1
15 U.S.C. § 1 criminalizes anticompetitive agreements and
specifies criminal penalties, and 15 U.S.C. § 15(a) provides a
private right of action with treble damages for any violation of
the antitrust laws.
2
Section 2 of the Sherman Act does reach independent
behavior, but only where a person "shall monopolize, or attempt to
monopolize," a market. 15 U.S.C. § 2. That section is not invoked
here.

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Football League, 130 S. Ct. 2201, 2208-09 & n.2 (2010); Clamp-All

Corp. v. Cast Iron Soil Pipe Inst., 851 F.2d 478, 484 (1st Cir.

1988). The statute "does not require sellers to compete; it just

forbids their agreeing or conspiring not to compete." In re Text

Messaging Antitrust Litig., No. 10-8037, 2010 WL 5367383, at *4

(7th Cir. Dec. 29, 2010) (Posner, J.).

This limit means that bare "conscious parallelism" is

"not in itself unlawful." Brooke Grp. Ltd. v. Brown & Williamson

Tobacco Corp., 509 U.S. 209, 227 (1993). Conscious parallelism3 is

a phenomenon of oligopolistic markets4 in which firms "might in

3
Conscious parallelism has also been called "tacit
collusion" or "oligopolistic price coordination." See Brooke Grp.
Ltd. v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 509 U.S. 209, 227 (1993).
Defendants' assertion that "[a] merely tacit agreement is not an
antitrust violation" conflates the concepts of "tacit collusion,"
referring to bare conscious parallelism, and "tacit agreement,"
which can be reached under § 1, and which plaintiffs allege is in
play in this case. See Bell Atl. Corp. v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544,
553 (2007) (distinguishing mere conscious parallelism from "an
agreement, tacit or express") (quoting Theatre Enters., Inc. v.
Paramount Film Distrib. Corp., 346 U.S. 537, 540 (1954) (internal
quotation mark omitted)).
4
"An oligopoly market is one in which a few relatively
large sellers account for the bulk of the output." 2B Areeda,
Hovenkamp, & Solow, Antitrust Law ¶ 404a, at 9 (3d ed. 2007). By
contrast to a competitive market, in which no single producer has
the power to affect the market price, in an oligopolistic market
each of the major sellers can affect the market price by changing
its output. By contrast to a monopolized market, "no one firm can
unilaterally determine market price by varying its output" because
rivals are large enough to affect the market price by doing the
same. Id. at 10. As a result, "the distinctive characteristic of
oligopoly is recognized interdependence among the leading firms:
the profit-maximizing choice of price and output for one depends on
the choices made by others." Id.

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effect share monopoly power, setting their prices at a profit-

maximizing, supracompetitive level by recognizing their shared

economic interests and their interdependence with respect to price

and output decisions." Id. Each producer may independently decide

that it can maximize its profits by matching one or more other

producers' price, on the hope that the market will be able to

maintain high prices if the producers do not undercut one another.

A tacit agreement--one in which only the conspirators'

actions, and not any express communications, indicate the existence

of an agreement--is distinguished from mere conscious parallelism

by "uniform behavior among competitors, preceded by conversations

implying that later uniformity might prove desirable or accompanied

by other conduct that in context suggests that each competitor

failed to make an independent decision." Brown v. Pro Football,

Inc., 518 U.S. 231, 241 (1996) (internal citations omitted). In

the seminal case, Interstate Circuit v. United States, 306 U.S. 208

(1939), the Supreme Court found a tacit agreement where a dominant

movie theater company sent a letter openly addressed to all eight

major national film distributors stating that it would show a

distributor's films only if the distributor imposed certain

restrictions on later runs of the films in secondary theaters. Id.

at 215-19. The Supreme Court held that the distributors, who never

communicated directly with one another, nonetheless had entered

into a tacit agreement with one another by acting in accordance

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with the letter's demands, because the letter made it clear that

all eight had received the letter, the economic context made it

clear that all eight needed to act uniformly or all would lose

business, and all eight did in fact impose the conditions. Id. at

222. The opinion has been criticized, see, e.g., 3B Areeda &

Hovenkamp, Antitrust Law ¶ 810b, at 470-71 (3d ed. 2008), but the

Supreme Court has recently reiterated that tacit agreements are

still agreements under the Sherman Act, Twombly, 550 U.S. at 553.

Some markets are particularly conducive to maintaining

consciously parallel pricing without the need for agreement among

the producers. "Tacit coordination is facilitated by a stable

market environment, fungible products, and a small number of

variables upon which the firms seeking to coordinate their pricing

may focus." Brooke Grp., 509 U.S. at 238. Such coordination is

also easier to maintain when these fungible goods "are repeatedly

sold in market transactions that are immediately known in every

detail by customers and rivals." 6 Areeda & Hovenkamp, Antitrust

Law ¶ 1430b, at 225 (3d ed. 2010). A geographically constrained

gasoline market with publicly posted prices has these

characteristics.

Because supracompetitive prices--prices above what they

would be in a perfectly competitive market--can result from both

lawful conscious parallelism and an unlawful agreement to fix

prices, antitrust doctrine has developed evidentiary standards to

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minimize the risk that legal conduct will be chilled or punished.

Monsanto Co. v. Spray-Rite Serv. Corp., 465 U.S. 752, 763 (1984).

Plaintiffs must establish that it is plausible that defendants are

engaged in more than mere conscious parallelism, by pleading and

later producing evidence pointing toward conspiracy, sometimes

referred to as "plus factors." See Twombly, 550 U.S. at 556 & n.4

(requiring antitrust plaintiffs to plead behavior more consistent

with agreement than with independence); In re Flat Glass Antitrust

Litig., 385 F.3d 350, 360 (3d Cir. 2004) (explaining that "plus

factors" are "proxies for direct evidence of an agreement").

In addition, the Supreme Court has "limit[ed] the range

of permissible inferences from ambiguous evidence in a § 1 case,"

holding that, at summary judgment, "conduct as consistent with

permissible competition as with illegal conspiracy does not,

standing alone, support an inference of antitrust conspiracy" that

allows plaintiffs' evidence to reach a jury. Matsushita Elec.

Indus. Co. v. Zenith Radio Corp., 475 U.S. 574, 588 (1986).

In order to survive summary judgment, plaintiffs must

produce direct or circumstantial evidence that is not only

consistent with conspiracy, but "tends to exclude the possibility

of independent action." Monsanto, 465 U.S. at 764. Such evidence

could show "parallel behavior that would probably not result from

chance, coincidence, independent responses to common stimuli, or

mere interdependence unaided by an advance understanding among the

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parties." Twombly, 550 U.S. at 557 n.4 (quoting 6 Areeda &

Hovenkamp, Antitrust Law ¶ 1425, at 167 (2d ed. 2003)) (internal

quotation marks omitted).

These special rules apply to claims of horizontal

conspiracies such as this claim of price-fixing.5 See Twombly, 550

U.S. at 554 (stating that a § 1 plaintiff must meet the Monsanto

and Matsushita requirements, and not distinguishing among types of

§ 1 claims); see also, e.g., Flat Glass, 385 F.3d at 357-59

(applying Matsushita in price-fixing case, because lawful conscious

parallelism can lead to same economic result as conspiracy);

Blomkest Fertilizer, Inc. v. Potash Corp. of Saskatchewan, 203 F.3d

1028, 1032 (8th Cir. 2000) (stating that circuit applies Matsushita

"broadly, and in both horizontal and vertical price fixing cases").

This is the common understanding and plaintiffs do not disagree.

B. Factual and Procedural Background

The underlying facts of the case, including the district

court's description of the retail gasoline market on Martha's

Vineyard, are undisputed.

Plaintiffs are summer and year-round residents of

Martha's Vineyard and an island real estate agency. Defendants

operate four of the nine gas stations on Martha's Vineyard. In

5
In Euromodas, Inc. v. Zanella, Ltd., 368 F.3d 11, 17 &
n.5 (1st Cir. 2004), we applied these rules to vertical
conspiracies and reserved the question of whether they applied to
horizontal conspiracies, an issue we now resolve by applying these
rules to horizontal conspiracies as well.

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Edgartown, individual defendant Francis Paciello owns the Edgartown

Mobil station. The defendant corporation Depot Corner, Inc., which

is wholly owned by Paciello, owns the Depot Corner station, also in

Edgartown. In Vineyard Haven, about seven miles northwest of

Edgartown, defendant corporation Drake/Kenyon (Drake)6 owns the

XtraMart Citgo station in Vineyard Haven and also supplies gasoline

to the Edgartown stations at wholesale. Defendant corporation R.M.

Packer, also in Vineyard Haven, owns the Tisbury Shell gas station;

R.M. Packer is owned by the individuals Ralph Packer and his wife.

Of the other five gas stations on the island, two are in

Oak Bluffs, about three miles from Vineyard Haven, one is in

Edgartown, and two are on the western part of the island in West

Tisbury and Chilmark.

The defendants' prices exceeded prices at gas stations on

Cape Cod by an average of fifty-six cents per gallon during a five

year period beginning on August 1, 2003, according to calculations

performed by plaintiffs' expert and cited by the district court.

Twenty-one cents of that difference is attributable to the higher

costs of transporting gas to the island than to the mainland Cape.

The retail gasoline market on Martha's Vineyard has

features that make it susceptible to efforts by gas stations to

sustain supracompetitive prices. These features would facilitate

6
Drake and Kenyon were once separate corporations, and
were each named as defendants when the suit was originally filed in
2007. They had merged in 2004.

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both conspiratorial pricing and merely interdependant parallel

pricing for several reasons. See 2B Areeda, Hovenkamp, & Solow,

supra, ¶ 404, at 9-20.

First, would-be competitors attracted to the market by

high profit margins face a regulatory barrier to entry: they need

permission from the Martha's Vineyard Commission. The Commission

has denied all petitions to open new gas stations since 1997.

This, along with their location on a relatively small island,

insulates the current stations from competition.

Second, customer demand for gasoline on an island is

inelastic, meaning customers will not buy much less gas when prices

rise, because they cannot choose to drive farther away to get

cheaper gas. Gasoline in general is a nondurable good, so that

customers have to buy it frequently and are not likely to simply

stay out of the market until prices drop. This is particularly

true for customers who are summer residents and are in the market

for only limited periods of time.

Third, gasoline is a homogeneous good, so consumers

decide where to buy it based mostly on price and convenience,

leading competing gas stations to prominently post prices. This

posting also lets competitors know and respond in real time to one

another's prices, allowing them to catch price "cheaters" and to

follow price "leaders." See id. ¶ 404b3, at 14-15 (describing

cheating); 6 Areeda & Hovenkamp, supra, ¶ 1430d, at 226 (describing

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leading); see also United States v. Heffernan, 43 F.3d 1144, 1149

(7th Cir. 1994) (describing catching price cheaters). Since there

are only nine gas stations on the entire island, each station can

easily monitor and respond to the prices of the others. If one

station drops its price in order to attract more business, the

others can quickly drop their prices in response. The original

"cheater" benefits very little from undercutting its competitors'

prices, because when any one of them drops its prices the

competitors can match the price before many customers respond to

the incentive. And all of the stations suffer a decrease in profit

margin.

Conversely, a station acting as a price "leader" risks

little by raising its price under such market conditions. Other

stations are likely to follow, given the possibility of higher

prices and profit margins for all. If for some reason the

competitors do not follow the increases, the leader can easily drop

its price again to match the other stations so quickly that few

customers are lost to lower-priced competition. Knowing these

features of the market, each gas station owner is likely to reach

its own independent conclusion that its best interests involve

keeping prices high, including following price changes by a price

"leader" (if one emerges), in confidence that the other station

owners will reach the same independent conclusion. Here there is

no evidence or suggestion that the business risk to any station on

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Martha's Vineyard of raising its prices was so great as to require

communication among stations before any one of them would venture

it.

Plaintiffs, angered by what they saw as unjustifiably

high prices at the pump, brought suit in Massachusetts Superior

Court on August 2, 2007 alleging that defendants had conspired to

fix retail gas prices since at least December 31, 1999. Defendants

removed the case to federal court on August 28, 2007,7 after which

plaintiffs filed an amended complaint, substituting Sherman

Antitrust Act price-fixing allegations for their original

Massachusetts Antitrust Act allegations. Due to the Sherman Act's

four-year statute of limitations, 15 U.S.C. § 15b, the district

court limited plaintiffs' price-fixing claim to violations

occurring on or after August 2, 2003. The district court allowed

discovery, but denied the parties' joint requests for discovery of

detailed sales and financial data from other Martha's Vineyard gas

stations not named in the suit. Following a June 24, 2009, hearing

on defendants' motions for summary judgment, the district court

granted defendants' motions on January 6, 2010.

Although our review is de novo, we describe the district

court's thoughtful analysis. The district court reasoned that most

7
Plaintiffs brought their suit as a class action, and
defendants removed it to federal court pursuant to the Class Action
Fairness Act's minimal diversity requirements. See 28 U.S.C.
§§ 1332(d), 1453.

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of the evidence the plaintiffs proffered was no more consistent

with conspiracy than with independent choices to engage in parallel

pricing. The district court found other evidence not sufficiently

probative of conspiracy. First, the district court found that

Drake's employment of a consultant to lobby the Martha's Vineyard

Commission to deny petitions for new gas stations was "conduct that

would be expected even in a competitive gasoline retail market."

White v. R.M. Packer Co., No. 07-11601, slip op. at 6 n.5 (D. Mass.

Jan. 6, 2010). Second, the district court found too attenuated the

evidence that two of the defendants communicated with one another

about prices in 1999 because the communications concerned the

wholesale, rather than retail, market and occurred years before the

period covered by the limitations period. The district court found

it troubling that an unusually generous loan from Drake to Paciello

may have provided Paciello with an incentive to conspire with

Drake, but held that this was not enough to permit a reasonable

jury to find an agreement to fix prices.

C. Merits of Plaintiffs' Appeal from Entry of Summary
Judgment

Plaintiffs argue that the district court erred by (1)

applying the wrong legal standard, (2) considering their evidence

of plus factors piecemeal rather than as a whole, and (3) ignoring

their expert evidence.

First, plaintiffs argue that the district court, despite

correctly stating the legal standard to which it held plaintiffs'

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evidence, proceeded in fact as if plaintiffs are required to

"exclude," rather than "tend to exclude," the possibility of

independent action. See Matsushita, 475 U.S. at 588. Having

reviewed the entire record, we disagree. Nothing in the district

court's opinion suggests that the court required plaintiffs to

produce direct evidence of conspiracy as plaintiffs claim.8

Plaintiffs also argue that defendants' concession for

summary judgment purposes that there has been parallel pricing

"gets plaintiffs close to defeating summary judgment" because of

the statement in Twombly that "[a]n allegation of parallel conduct

. . . gets [a] complaint close to stating a claim" for purposes of

surviving an initial motion to dismiss. Twombly, 550 U.S. at 557

(emphasis added). As a statement of the law at summary judgment,

plaintiffs are flatly wrong. Mere parallelism, whether stipulated

or proven, does not even create a prima facie conspiracy case. See

Brooke Grp., 509 U.S. at 227.

Much of the evidence plaintiffs offer as "plus factors,"

even when viewed in the light most favorable to them, does no more

than corroborate that the Martha's Vineyard gasoline market is an

oligopolistic market which is highly conducive to parallel pricing.

8
Plaintiffs argue that the district court's use, at one
point in the opinion, of the word "exclude" without the modifying
phrase "tends to" shows that the court required them to produce
direct evidence of conspiracy, rather than only circumstantial
evidence tending to exclude the possibility of independent action.
It is clear from the court's opinion that it did not require any
particular category of evidence.

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The evidence does nothing to explain whether the parallel pricing

was achieved by agreement or mere interdependent decisions.

Plaintiffs' remaining evidence does not "'tend[] to exclude the

possibility' that the alleged conspirators acted independently,"

and so is not enough to permit a reasonable inference that

defendants' behavior was more than mere conscious parallelism.

Matsushita, 475 U.S. at 588 (quoting Monsanto, 465 U.S. at 764).

The report of plaintiffs' expert witness, Boston College economics

professor Frank Gollop, does not alter the conclusion. The report

was adequately considered by the district court. It does not

undermine, and in fact is consistent with, our conclusion and that

of the district court.

Plaintiffs draw their list of plus factors from the

authorities mentioned in the Supreme Court's Twombly opinion as

providing "examples of parallel conduct allegations that would

state a § 1 claim" under the heightened pleading standard

established in that case. Twombly, 550 U.S. at 557 n.4 (citing 6

Areeda & Hovenkamp, supra, ¶ 1425, at 167-85; Michael D. Blechman,

Conscious Parallelism, Signalling and Facilitation Devices, 24

N.Y.L. Sch. L. Rev. 881, 899 (1979)). Plaintiffs also invoke a

list of plus factors described in Judge Posner's antitrust

monograph. See Richard Posner, Antitrust Law 69-93 (2d ed. 2001).

Yet as these sources themselves emphasize, many so-called plus

factors simply "demonstrate that a given market is chronically non-

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competitive," without helping to explain whether agreement or

conscious parallelism is the cause. Blechman, supra, at 898; see

also 6 Areeda & Hovenkamp, supra, ¶ 1434, at 263-69 (explaining

that "plus factors" which merely restate interdependence are

prerequisites to an inference of agreement but are not enough);

Posner, supra, at 69-79 (listing seventeen factors as useful in

identifying markets conducive to conscious parallelism). To be

sure, providing this evidence demonstrates that plaintiffs' claim

is not economically implausible. See Matsushita, 475 U.S. at 587

("[I]f the claim is one that simply makes no economic sense[,

plaintiffs] must come forward with more persuasive evidence to

support their claim than would otherwise be necessary."). But such

evidence does not by itself suggest that defendants' conduct shows

agreement. See Flat Glass, 385 F.3d at 360-61; see also In re High

Fructose Corn Syrup Antitrust Litig., 295 F.3d 651, 658 (7th Cir.

2002) (Posner, J.) (distinguishing "evidence of noncompetitive

behavior" from "evidence that the structure of the market was

conducive to such behavior").

We have considered the totality of plaintiffs' evidence,

as did the district court, and discuss the inadequacy of the parts

as well as of the whole. Six of plaintiffs' nine plus factors show

nothing more than that the gasoline market on Martha's Vineyard is

conducive to conscious parallelism. We begin with two that

describe defendants' pricing behavior. First, during three periods

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in 2004 and 2005 the defendants, in parallel, held prices steady or

raised them while the cost of gasoline at wholesale declined.

Second, defendants have enjoyed what plaintiffs call "abnormal

profits." It is true, as plaintiffs state, that changes in pricing

patterns and profit levels may be useful in identifying the

beginning of a conspiracy, immediately after which conspirators may

successfully raise prices without reference to costs. See Posner,

supra, at 88, 90; see also Text Messaging, 2010 WL 5367383, at *5

(stating that in a competitive market "falling costs . . .

motivat[e a seller], in the absence of agreement, to reduce his

price slightly in order to take business from his competitors").

However, these pricing behaviors do not function as "plus

factors" when they are stable over time, because that factual

context undermines any inference that the pricing behavior

represents a sudden shift marking the beginning of a price-fixing

conspiracy. Here, plaintiffs allege a price-fixing conspiracy

dating back "at least as early as December 31, 1999"; there is no

suggestion that defendants' behavior changed in 2004, in 2005, or

at any other relevant time. In this factual context, evidence that

defendants set supracompetitive prices that did not decline when

their costs declined shows no more than that they made their

pricing decisions in an oligopolistic, rather than competitive,

market.

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 Other evidence also undermines plaintiffs' arguments

about defendants' pricing behaviors. Plaintiffs' own expert stated

that "[n]o unambiguous conclusion . . . can be gleaned from

[defendants'] pattern of parallel pricing," and that he could "draw

no behavioral conclusion" from the divergence between the

defendants' declining costs and retail prices, since it could "be

the result of a supra-competitive price umbrella." Further, the

expert did not explain whether in his opinion such an "umbrella"

would even require agreement. Similarly ambiguous is deposition

testimony as to three of the four stations, by the principals of

defendants Drake and Depot Corner, Inc., that they did not know

what margin over cost they needed to charge to turn a profit.

Plaintiffs argue that without a price agreement such ignorance

would be "suicidal," but the testimony equally supports the

inference that stations' pricing decisions in this market are not

based, as they would be in a competitive market, on cost, but

rather on the actions and expected actions of other stations.

A third plus factor offered by plaintiffs is that

defendants had "motive to conspire" because cooperating with one

another could allow them to earn supracompetitive profits. Taking

as a given that all of the defendants had motive to conspire with

one another to earn high profits, all such a motive shows is that

the defendants could reasonably expect to earn higher profits by

keeping prices at a supracompetitive level through parallel pricing

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practices. Matsushita states that evidence showing defendants have

"a plausible reason to conspire" does not create a triable issue as

to whether there was a conspiracy. Matsushita, 475 U.S. at 596-97

& n.21; 6 Areeda & Hovenkamp, supra, ¶ 1434(c)(1), at 269

("Motivation is thus synonymous with interdependence and therefore

adds nothing to it."). We take up later the issue of whether a $2

million loan at a below-market interest rate from Drake to

Paciello, when Paciello could not obtain a loan from other lenders,

gave Paciello motive to "do Drake's bidding regarding keeping up

gas prices" as plaintiffs claim.

Three other plus factors plaintiffs allege are that the

Martha's Vineyard retail gasoline market (1) is insulated by high

barriers to entry, thanks to the Martha's Vineyard Commission's

demonstrated gatekeeping power, (2) faces highly inelastic demand

for gasoline, and (3) is marked by stable relative market shares

over time among the four defendants. High barriers to entry and

inelastic demand are two hallmarks of oligopolistic markets

susceptible to successful parallel pricing practices, but neither

helps to distinguish between agreement and mere conscious

parallelism as the root cause of those practices. "[W]ithout

barriers to entry it would presumably be impossible to maintain

supracompetitive prices . . . ." Matsushita, 475 U.S. at 591

n.15; see also Williamson Oil Co. v. Philip Morris USA, 346 F.3d

1287, 1317 (11th Cir. 2003) (describing high barriers to entry and

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inelastic demand as two indicia of oligopoly). And while stable

market shares over time may suggest in some factual contexts that

the firms "eliminated competition[] among themselves," Posner,

supra, at 79, it is also likely that conscious parallelism would be

sufficient to maintain stable relative market shares in a stable

market for a basic commodity protected from new entry. The

district court specifically cited plaintiffs' expert's

acknowledgment that the "nearly constant market shares are

consistent with both cooperative and non-cooperative pricing

behavior." See White, slip op. at 6.

Plaintiffs' seventh factor is that variations in price

from region to region may indicate collusion. This may be true on

some facts. See Posner, supra, at 87. But plaintiffs err in

pointing to the difference in gas prices between Cape Cod and

Martha's Vineyard. Even discounting the higher transportation

costs of getting fuel to the island gas stations, we have already

discussed a number of lawful reasons why the island stations are

likely to be able to maintain the rest of the variation in price

without agreement.

Plaintiffs' eighth purported plus factor is that Drake's

employment of a consultant to lobby the Martha's Vineyard

Commission to deny a petition for a new gas station on the island

proves that Drake "was willing to act secretly to influence gas

prices." Drake's unilateral retention of a consultant was a

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legitimate exercise of its right to petition. There is no claim

that the consultant or the Commission acted illegally. In

addition, this was entirely economically rational behavior,

whatever the Commission decided. Indeed, these actions are well

within those actions which the Supreme Court sought to protect from

chilling effects. See Monsanto, 465 U.S. at 763.

Other pieces of evidence require further examination and

we consider them the strongest evidence plaintiffs have advanced.

Plaintiffs produced some evidence that two of the defendants'

principals communicated with one another and may have been

untruthful about the communication. This fits with a different

type of plus factor: "traditional" conspiracy evidence of the type

that helps to distinguish between conscious parallelism and

collusion and that is necessary to an inference of agreement. Flat

Glass, 385 F.3d at 362; 6 Areeda & Hovenkamp, supra, ¶ 1434b, at

267. This need not be direct evidence; circumstantial evidence can

suffice to establish an antitrust conspiracy. Monsanto, 465 U.S.

at 764.

Two witnesses recalled meetings held ten years earlier,

in December 1999, with Jim Ahern of defendant Drake about

contracting with Drake to be the wholesale gas supplier for a new

gas station they were trying to open on the island. At the first

meeting, the two described a ten-cent retail price discount for

year-round Vineyard residents that they proposed to offer in order

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to convince the Martha's Vineyard Commission to approve their

permit. Ahern replied that he would not give year-round residents

a discount.9 Then, referring to Ralph Packer, whose company R.M.

Packer was the owner of Tisbury Shell, Ahern made the point that

businesses on the Vineyard were also not inclined to give

discounts, saying, "Your boy Ralph Packer, an island boy, is not

cutting people any slack, and I'm not going to either." It is not

clear from the record whether Ahern was speaking as a wholesaler or

retailer in refusing to contemplate a discount, since both his

company and Ralph Packer's company, R.M. Packer, played both

wholesaler and retailer roles on Martha's Vineyard. R.M. Packer

supplied other stations on the island that are not defendants.

Drake supplied the two defendant stations owned by Paciello, but

also was a wholesaler to a number of stations elsewhere on the East

Coast.

At the second meeting, during a discussion between the

two witnesses and Ahern about the discount, when the subject of

Ralph Packer arose Ahern said, "You know we talk." Ahern then

called on speakerphone a person whom Ahern said was Packer. It

appeared to the witnesses that the call's recipient recognized

Ahern's voice without Ahern identifying himself. We assume, in

plaintiffs' favor, that the call recipient was Packer. Ahern

9
The witnesses observed that Ahern seemed offended by the
idea that such a discount would be a necessary condition to secure
a permit. He did not feel it was right.

-22-
casually stated to Packer that he was just checking in, and hung up

after a friendly, general conversation of under five minutes.

Ahern and Packer did not discuss the witnesses' desire to open a

station, pricing or other business. One witness said he thought

Ahern made the call "to demonstrate . . . that it didn't really

matter who we chose as a distributor, we'd have the same wholesale

price." The witness also said that after this conversation, Ahern

told them, "we all work together," and said, "I talk to Packer

frequently."

Yet Ahern said in a 2009 deposition that he did not

recall talking to Ralph Packer on the phone and only had one

business meeting with him. Packer, in a 2008 deposition, said he

met once with Ahern about wholesale supply about fifteen years

earlier and had no phone conversations with him. In context, even

if Ahern's and Packer's denials that they spoke over the phone were

untrue, Ahern's actions and statements demonstrated at most a

wholesaler's attempt to show his leverage over a potential

wholesale customer, and are vague, ambiguous, and non-probative

with regard to retail pricing practices.

There was more evidence about that meeting. One of the

witnesses seeking permission to open a new station stated his view

that if the new station were to offer gasoline at a lower price,

there would be a chain reaction and the other stations would also

lower their prices. In response to conjecture on what would happen

-23-
if the two Paciello stations supplied by Ahern's company, Drake,

started dropping their prices, Ahern replied, "if they start

mucking around with prices one or two delivery trucks a week might

not make it on the boat and they'll get the idea real quick." The

witness "didn't really get the feeling . . . that it was a threat."

This statement, in any event, was about unilateral action by Drake

against one of its wholesale customers. It suggests competition

between Drake's retail station and its wholesale customers' retail

stations, not collusion among retailers.

Drake's and R.M. Packer's dual status as both wholesalers

and retailers is thus relevant to understanding why the evidence

from these meetings does not suffice to raise an inference of an

agreement to fix prices in the retail market. Nothing forbids

producers from selling in two different levels of the same market,

here the wholesale and retail levels. Cf. Texaco Inc. v.

Hasbrouck, 496 U.S. 543, 546-50 (1990) (describing Texaco's

arrangements selling gasoline to both distributors and retailers).

Producer actions in the two levels cannot be conflated to produce

an antitrust violation when there is no violation in either market

alone. See Pac. Bell Tel. Co. v. Linkline Commc'ns, Inc., 129 S.

Ct. 1109, 1121 (2009) (stating, "It is difficult enough for courts

to identify and remedy an alleged anticompetitive practice at one

level," and declining "simultaneously to police both the wholesale

-24-
and retail" levels for price-squeezing under § 2 of the Sherman

Act).

Plaintiffs have not argued that wholesaler-retailer

relationships created vertical restraints on trade, such as minimum

resale prices, affecting the retail market, and any such restraint

if proven would not be illegal per se, but would be subject to

analysis for whether it had anticompetitive effects on the market.

See Leegin Creative Leather Prods., Inc. v. PSKS, Inc., 551 U.S.

877, 892-94 (2007). Nor have plaintiffs argued that Drake and R.M.

Packer agreed to fix wholesale prices.

Plaintiffs also point to doubts about Packer's testimony

that Tisbury Shell's profits were less than $100,000 a year and

that there had not been any dividends for more than a decade from

the R.M. Packer Company to Packer and his wife, the sole

shareholders. Plaintiffs produced evidence that the R.M. Packer

Company, in which Tisbury Shell accounted for about 40% of the

revenues, had profits of more than $800,000 a year, and that Packer

and his wife had received more than $950,000 in dividends from the

company from 2003 to 2007. The apparent inaccuracies in Packer's

deposition testimony are concerning, but the reason for them is

unclear. At most there are inferences, which include Packer's

confusion about the structure of his business and the lack of

separate financial statements for Tisbury Shell's portion of the

overall R.M. Packer company. The inaccuracies, though, more

-25-
importantly, are not about whether there was an illegal agreement,

but only about the amount of profits. Whatever their cause, these

statements do not support any inference of conspiracy. Plaintiffs

themselves concede that such "'pretext' standing alone is not

sufficient to show joint action," but can only strengthen an

inference of joint action that is otherwise in evidence. See

DeLong Equip. Co. v. Washington Mills Abrasive Co., 887 F.2d 1499,

1514 (11th Cir. 1989).

Plaintiffs have evidence of a highly favorable loan made

by Drake to Paciello, owner of Edgartown Mobil and Depot Corner.

Plaintiffs say that it follows from this that Paciello as retailer

would agree to whatever Drake, wearing its retailer hat, wanted.

The defendants say there was a legitimate business rationale. This

was a loan from Drake as a wholesaler trying to keep a significant

customer in business so that Drake's wholesale business would not

diminish and would thrive. This also explains the favorable loan

rates. In any event, it is not reasonable to infer from this that

what Drake wanted was an illegal agreement to fix prices and that

Paciello did so agree. Paciello might be rendered more pliable,

but the loan evidence does not advance the likelihood of a tacit or

express agreement.

The sum total of this evidence simply does not rise to

the level Matsushita requires. Plaintiffs' ambiguous evidence is

entirely consistent with permissible conscious parallelism. See

-26-
Matsushita, 475 U.S. at 588. Plaintiffs have failed to produce

evidence that "tends to exclude the possibility of independent

action." Monsanto, 465 U.S. at 768.

Plaintiffs' final argument is that the district court

improperly disregarded their expert's report, including his

conclusion that defendants' "cost trends and coincident defendant

pricing patterns are inconsistent with independent, non-cooperative

behavior." The district court expressly adopted the expert's

conclusions about the price and cost disparities between Martha's

Vineyard and Cape Cod gas stations, and cited the expert's

conclusions about the ambiguity of plaintiffs' market structure

evidence. It is clear from the district court's opinion that it

did not disregard the report, and the report does not undermine the

conclusion that plaintiffs have failed to show that an agreement

among the defendants is a more likely explanation for their pricing

behaviors than bare conscious parallelism.

The expert acknowledged, "The results of my

investigations are mixed," explaining that plaintiffs' economic

evidence includes "instances that . . . are not inconsistent with

either cooperative or non-cooperative behavior" and other instances

that are inconsistent with "independent, non-cooperative behavior."

The report further acknowledged that defendants' decisions to

increase prices as their costs declined, instead of undercutting

other stations' prices, make no business sense "unless you know

-27-
your rivals will follow," (emphasis added)--as they will, in

conscious parallelism, in an interdependent oligopoly market.

As this court has said, "A firm in a concentrated

industry typically has reason to decide (individually) to copy an

industry leader. After all, a higher-than-leader's price might

lead a customer to buy elsewhere, while a lower-than-leader's price

might simply lead competitors to match the lower price, reducing

profits for all. One does not need an agreement to bring about

this kind of follow-the-leader effect in a concentrated industry."

Clamp-All Corp., 851 F.2d at 484.

The antitrust claims fail.

III. Price-Gouging Claim

Massachusetts regulatory law prohibits selling gasoline

at unconscionably high prices during market emergencies. See Mass.

Gen. Laws ch. 93A § (2)(a), (c); 940 Mass. Code Regs. 3.18. The

district court entered summary judgment against plaintiffs' state

law claims that the defendants engaged in price-gouging in the

aftermath of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita in 2005.

The rule states,

(1) It shall be an unfair or deceptive act or practice,
during any market emergency, for any petroleum-related
business to sell or offer to sell any petroleum product
for an amount that represents an unconscionably high
price.
(2) A price is unconscionably high if:
(a) the amount charged represents a gross disparity
between the price of the petroleum product and
1. the price at which the same product was
sold or offered for sale by the petroleum-

-28-
 related business in the usual course of
business immediately prior to the onset of
the market emergency, or
2. the price at which the same or similar
petroleum product is readily obtainable by
other buyers in the trade area; and
(b) the disparity is not substantially attributable
to increased prices charged by the petroleum-
related business suppliers or increased costs due
to an abnormal market disruption.

Defendants have conceded for the purpose of their motions for

summary judgment that a market emergency10 began on August 29, 2005,

the day Hurricane Katrina made landfall in the United States,

continued through the period following Hurricane Rita, which made

landfall on September 24, and ended on December 1, 2005.11 The

regulation defines neither "gross disparity" nor "immediately

prior." Significantly, there have been no Massachusetts state

court decisions interpreting the rule. Like the district court we

write on a clean slate.12

10
A "market emergency" is defined as "[a]ny abnormal
disruption of any market for petroleum products, including but not
limited to any actual or threatened shortage in the supply . . . or
. . . increase in the price," resulting from natural disaster,
energy failure, war, national or local emergency, or other
extraordinary circumstances. 940 Mass. Code Regs. 3.01.
11
Whether this is the proper duration of any market
emergency that occurred is not before us. We only note that the
rapid decline in defendants' costs beginning in mid-September may
indicate that any market emergency was no longer in place. See 940
Mass. Code Regs. 3.01 (defining "market emergency").
12
On appeal, plaintiffs ask the court to certify the
question of the interpretation of the price-gouging regulation to
the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court. See Mass. S.J.C. R. 1:03
§ 1; see also The Real Estate Bar Assoc. for Mass., Inc. v. Nat'l
Real Estate Info. Servs., 608 F.3d 110, 118-19 (1st Cir. 2010).

-29-
 Plaintiffs argue that the district court erred in

rejecting their interpretation that a "gross disparity" can be

proven from a change in profit as well as from a change in retail

price. The district court used a "plain language" interpretation

that because the regulation defines when "[a] price is

unconscionably high," 940 Mass. Code Regs. 3.18(2), the analysis

turns on disparities among prices at differing times and places.

Absent such a showing about prices, the district court held, high

profit margins cannot prove unconscionability of prices.

Plaintiffs argue that section 2 of the regulation

provides only a nonexclusive method of proving that prices are

unconscionably high, and that section 2(b) contemplates examination

of gross margins (as a proxy for profit margins). They also argue

that the regulation, whatever its language, must be interpreted to

be consistent with the Federal Trade Commission's interpretations

of different price-gouging definitions, because the Massachusetts

state courts refer to certain FTC interpretations when interpreting

Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 93A, the statute underlying the price-gouging

Plaintiffs conceded at oral argument that they did not ask the
district court to certify the question. In any event, particularly
because plaintiffs' case fails even under the interpretation they
put forth, we exercise our discretion to decide the question
ourselves, declining to certify it. See Boston Gas Co. v. Century
Indem. Co., 529 F.3d 8, 13-15 (1st Cir. 2008).

-30-
regulation.13 See Ciardi v. F. Hoffmann-La Roche, Ltd., 762 N.E.2d

303, 309 (Mass. 2002).

The facts about prices during this period are not

disputed. Plaintiffs summarize their evidence as showing that from

August 30, the day after Katrina made landfall, to the end of the

emergency period, the absolute maximum increase in defendants'

gross margin per gallon of regular gas ranged from 36 to 51 cents,

representing 38% to 68% increases. Using less volatile monthly

averages, plaintiffs' Exhibit 13 shows maximum increases in gross

margins during the market emergency of 25 cents or 38% at R.M.

Packer's Tisbury Shell, 35 cents or 69% at Drake's XtraMart Citgo,

31 cents or 51% at Paciello's Edgartown Mobil, and 31 cents or 54%

at Depot Corner. Tisbury Shell's maximum margin was in November;

the other three stations' were in October.

13
The Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court "looks to
interpretations by the Federal Trade Commission . . . of § 5(a)(1)
of the Federal Trade Commission Act" for guidance in interpreting
"what constitutes unfair methods of competition and unfair or
deceptive acts or practices, which are not defined in G.L. c. 93A."
Ciardi v. F. Hoffmann-La Roche, Ltd., 762 N.E.2d 303, 309 (Mass.
2002) (emphasis added); Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 93A § 2. Even where
it is appropriate to consider them, however, the FTC's
interpretations are "ordinarily instructive rather than
conclusive." In re TJX Cos. Retail Sec. Breach Litig., 564 F.3d
489, 497 (1st Cir. 2009). Here, we note that the FTC's petroleum
pricing investigation was conducted under a specific mandate from
Congress outside the FTCA that included the definition of price-
gouging that the FTC was to use, see Federal Trade Commission,
Investigation of Gasoline Price Manipulation and Post-Katrina
Gasoline Price Increases iii (2006). Moreover, the Massachusetts
Attorney General has promulgated a specific rule defining price-
gouging for purposes of Chapter 93A.

-31-
 Focusing on absolute changes in price per gallon from the

week before to the week following Hurricane Katrina's August 29

landfall, prices rose 20 cents at Tisbury Shell, 48 cents at

XtraMart Citgo, 42 cents at Edgartown Mobil, and 42 cents at Depot

Corner. Prices continued to rise, to a maximum increase in early

September of 37 cents at Tisbury Shell14 and 60 cents at XtraMart

Citgo,15 Edgartown Mobil,16 and Depot Corner.17 During the week

beginning on September 27, just after Hurricane Rita made landfall

on September 24, prices were still above their August 22-28 pre-

Katrina levels by 32 cents at Tisbury Shell, 42 cents at XtraMart

Citgo, and 35 cents at both Edgartown Mobil and Depot Corner.

The language of the price-gouging regulation does not

reach gross disparities in price alone. The regulation is

concerned with increases in both price and cost, the two factors

that determine gross margin. We need not address the separate

issue of whether a gross disparity between pre-emergency and post-

14
Tisbury's high price, held from September 7 to at least
September 18, was $3.57, 37 cents more than its August 22-28
average price of $3.20.
15
XtraMart Citgo's high price, held from September 2-18,
was $3.70, 60 cents more than its constant August 22-28 price of
$3.10.
16
Edgartown Mobil's high price, held from September 3 to at
least September 5, was $3.89, 60 cents more than its constant
August 22-28 price of $3.29.
17
Depot Corner's high price, held from September 3-8, was
$3.85, 60 cents more than its constant August 22-28 price of $3.25.

-32-
emergency gross margins might make out a claim of price-gouging

where an increase in absolute price does not in itself appear

unconscionable. See, e.g., People ex rel. Spitzer v. My Serv.

Ctr., Inc., No. 06-21157, 2007 WL 102463, at *2 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. Jan.

17, 2007) (using increase in gross margin from 67 to 99 cents to

illustrate that price increase of about 32 cents was price-gouging

under New York law); People ex rel. Spitzer v. Wever Petroleum,

Inc., 827 N.Y.S.2d 813, 816 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 2006) (finding increase

of 60 cents in gross margin made increase of 87 cents in price

"unconscionably excessive" under New York law).

The rule encompasses price and margin increases in

relation to one another. Dramatic changes in gross margin might

illustrate that a price increase is a "gross disparity" in price

because it reflects price increases unexplained by cost increases.

But nothing in the regulation suggests that increases in gross

margin alone, in the absence of any price increase and simultaneous

with declining retail prices, can support a price-gouging claim.

While there is no specific history available as to the

Massachusetts price-gouging rule, such rules are generally designed

to protect consumers from acute and unconscionable increases in the

prices they must pay for basic consumer goods during times of

market emergency, not to mandate that retailers decrease their

prices as quickly as their costs decline after the most acute

crisis in supply of the good has passed. See, e.g., Ark. Code Ann.

-33-
§ 4-88-301 (declaring legislative purpose to prevent "excessive and

unjustified increases" in prices); Cal. Penal Code § 396 ("It is

the intent of the Legislature . . . to protect citizens from

excessive and unjustified increases in the prices charged

. . . ."). These are not regulations meant to give the government

control over the setting of petroleum product prices.

The facts show that while defendants' average weekly

prices were increasing, during the time periods of August 30-

September 5 and September 6-12, their gross margins were generally

rising only very moderately, since their costs were climbing as

well.18 Average margins rose at Tisbury Shell from 74 cents during

the August 22-28 period to 78 cents from August 30-September 5,

before dropping back down to 61 cents the following week. During

the same time periods, margins at XtraMart rose from 53 cents to 87

cents before falling back to 68 cents, margins at Edgartown Mobil

rose from 66 cents to 68 cents and then to 76 cents, and margins at

Depot Corner rose from 62 cents to 64 cents and then to 72 cents.

18
To calculate average weekly prices, costs, and margins,
the data used was from plaintiffs' Exhibit 11, which provided daily
price and cost data for all four defendants from July 15 through
November 7, 2005. Where price or cost data for a given day was
missing, we imputed the value from the most recent recorded value.
The parties' citations for prices and gross margins vary among
daily, weekly, monthly, and entire-period averages. We have used
weekly, rather than daily or monthly averages, in order to capture
the major trends in defendants' price and margin changes that other
measures would obscure.

-34-
 There is marked volatility in the margins, best shown by

the swing in average gross margin at XtraMart Citgo from 53 cents

during the week before Katrina to 87 cents during the first week

after, but dropping back to 68 cents one week later as its costs

continued to rise. This volatility resulted from mismatches

between when the stations raised their prices and when they had to

pay higher costs at wholesale.19 At XtraMart, for example, prices

rose from $3.50 on September 1 to $3.70 a gallon on September 2,

when costs were $2.47 a gallon, but there was no further increase

in price at XtraMart after costs rose to $3.15 a gallon on

September 5. And the initial twenty-cent price increase to $3.70

a gallon itself came two days after a short-lived but sharp

increase in XtraMart's costs from $2.56 to $2.93 per gallon, before

costs dropped to $2.47 on September 2. Unless the resulting prices

are "unconscionably high," the price-gouging rule does not prohibit

retailers from raising their prices in reasonable anticipation of

future increases in costs, or after the fact in response to actual

recent increases even if costs have dropped back down again.

Defendants' margins hit their highest levels after their

retail prices began to decline. It appears that the stations'

costs dropped precipitously beginning in mid-September, but that

they dropped their prices at a much slower rate. The stations'

19
Some apparent volatility may also be attributable to the
missing data referred to in the previous footnote.

-35-
average weekly gross margins thus began a general rise from the

week of September 13 well into October and November. But no

station raised its price after September 7, and all four had

dropped from their highest price by September 20 at the very

latest.

Neither the absolute increases in price nor the increases

in gross margins show any "gross disparity" in price. As we have

mentioned, no Massachusetts law defines "gross disparity" for the

purposes of the price-gouging regulation. By analogy, however, in

the context of unconscionable contracts, a Massachusetts case does

refer to a "gross disparity" as requiring "gross inadequacy of

consideration." Waters v. Min Ltd., 587 N.E.2d 231, 234 (Mass.

1992) (quoting 1 A. Corbin, Contracts § 128, at 551 (1963 & Supp.

1991)). That court said the disparity must "lead[] inevitably to

the felt conclusion that knowing advantage was taken" of consumers.

Id. at 233 (quoting Jones v. Star Credit Corp., 298 N.Y.S.2d 264

(N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1969)). Those standards have not been met here.

The Federal Trade Commission report on which plaintiffs

rely would not lead us to a different result, and so we do not

decide what, if any, deference the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial

Court would give it. See Federal Trade Commission, Investigation

of Gasoline Price Manipulation and Post-Katrina Gasoline Price

Increases (2006). Plaintiffs cite the FTC's statement that an

increase in average margin of more than five cents is "a price

-36-
increase that was not substantially explained by increased costs."

Id. at 151. But they incorrectly state that the FTC equated this

five-cent margin increase with price-gouging. In fact, the FTC

Report required an additional conclusion--that a retailer's

absolute price increase exceeded the national average increase of

thirty-five cents, as well as the average increase in the station's

local area, by at least five cents--before it was considered to

have engaged in price-gouging. Id. at 152. Under plaintiffs'

expert's definition of Cape Cod as the relevant "trade area" under

the Massachusetts price-gouging rule, none of defendants' gas

stations were price-gouging under the FTC's methodology: average

gas prices on the Cape increased by 53 cents from August to

September, while defendants' average gas prices increased between

42 and 54 cents.20

Plaintiffs have not shown a "gross disparity" in prices

under the state price-gouging rule, even taking into account

defendants' gross margins during the period of price increases.

The only question before us is whether the

supracompetitive prices charged by defendants on Martha's Vineyard

are a result of illegal actions in violation of federal antitrust

laws or state anti-price-gouging rules. Plaintiffs have failed to

20
These monthly average increases from August to September
are less than the maximum increases reported for each defendant
above. The monthly average increases were 42 cents for Tisbury
Shell, 54 cents for XtraMart Citgo, and 53 cents for Edgartown
Mobil and Depot Corner.

-37-
meet the legal standards for proof of those violations. The

judgment of the district court is affirmed.

-38-